Tyrant Yoweri Museveni might have friends in Western Capitals protecting him from all the crimes he has committed, such as; Use of child soldiers, Conscripting or enlisting children under the age of 15 years into armed forces or groups, or using them to participate actively in hostilities (refer to the so called "Kadogos" of Luwero and in DR Congo);but one day…one day, will be pay back time!
Here are some of the few charges;
Acts of terrorism – in Luwero, Gulu, Southern Sudan, Rwanda, and Congo.
Terrorising the civilian population and collective punishments
You can add setting off bombs around Kampala and Jinja some years back.
Murder – Unlawful killings
All the killings of prominent people during the time of Amin, Obote II, Lule, Binaise till now. This has been the work of Museveni and FRONASA. Witnesses are still alive and will pin him.
Extreme violence to life, health and physical or mental well-being of persons, in particular murder
Sexual violence – Rape
In Congo and Gulu (refer to the IDP camps)
Sexual slavery and other forms of sexual violence (DR Congo and Gulu)
Outrages upon personal dignity ( DR Congo and Gulu)
Violence to life, health and physical or mental well being of persons, in particular cruel treatment (refer to what happened and is still happening in DR Congo and Northen Uganda)
Other inhumane acts (refer to IDP camps in Northern Uganda)
Use of child soldiers
Conscripting or enlisting children under the age of 15 years into armed forces or groups, or using them to participate actively in hostilities (refer to the so called "Kadogos" of Luwero and in DR Congo)
Abductions and forced labour
Enslavement (refer to DR Congo and Gulu camps)
Pillaging (refer to the UN reports on DR Congo and Teak wood from Southern Sudan) Ugandans, never forget, you and your great grand kids have a debt of US$ 10 Billion hanging over head. This is not some theoretical problem, it is real and we better take it seriously.
Refer to the case of one Ananias Tumukunde who was arrested in London with British Pounds 120,000
Money is also laundred in local assets like Garden City complex in Kampala, and others which will come to light one day.
Refer to the incident when a Uganda Airlines plane was impounded in Yugoslavia some years back.
Some of his Key Lieutenants like Piere Bemba(the fat boy) and Thomas Lubanga are already in the international Criminal Court at the Hague.
However, its the very so called international Community, mainly USA and United Kingdom that is sponsoring Yoweri Museveni’s genocide against the African people.
HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS BY UGANDAN GOVERNMENT FORCES (UPDF) AGAINST ACHOLI AND THE PEOPLE OF NORTHERN UGANDA
UPDF forces and officials of other government-related military security agencies have committed and are still continuing committing multiple abuses against the human rights of northern Ugandans, including summary execution, torture, rape, child recruitment, and inhuman conditions of detention in unauthorized detention locations. They are rarely prosecuted for crimes committed against civilians. Even when UPDF abuses have been investigated, the investigations have sometimes been kept internal and therefore have created an appearance of impunity, which has not improved public trust.
UPDF responses to allegations of abuses against civilians, such as rape, unlawful killing, and torture, range from the crime going unpunished, to being “punished” by transferring the accused, to the court martial of some individual soldiers without proper investigation, all the way to the rare court martial. Often it appears that the action followed, or the punishment meted out is at the sole discretion of the individual UPDF field commander.
For example, the storming of Gulu Prison by UPDF Soldiers.
The UPDF has committed summary (extra judicial) execution and torture of captives since Operation Iron Fist began. Since the last time when four UPDF mambas (armored vehicles) full of UPDF soldiers raided Gulu Prison under the command of the head of military intelligence of Operation Iron Fist, Lt. Col. Charles Awany Otema. According to eyewitness reports by prison inmates and confirmed by the assistant superintendent of Gulu Central Prison, prison authorities (wardens) refused entry to the soldiers after the UPDF officers failed to produce a search warrant or any other document permitting them to enter.
During the raid, the UPDF soldiers beat and pushed aside the prison wardens, as they forced their way into the prison. Captain Rugadia, of the intelligence division of Internal Security, ordered twenty-three prisoners by name out of their cells. A UPDF officer singled out a prisoner known as “Yumbe,” Peter Oloya, who was accused of planning to escape from the prison. That officer then ordered the soldiers to shoot Peter Oloya.
The prison wardens rejected this accusation and tried to stop the killing, arguing with the UPDF that no one would try to escape from the prison with so many soldiers present, and therefore there was no reason to shoot any prisoner. Nevertheless, the UPDF soldiers shot Peter Oloya in the back, with the bullet exiting his chest. Everyone panicked and another prisoner was almost shot.
The UPDF soldiers hastily loaded the twenty-two prisoners, together with the dead body of Peter Oloya, on the mambas, ordering them to lie down flat. They took the prisoners straight to the quarter guard at the army barracks detention center in Gulu. The UPDF took Peter Oloya’s body away and has not released it to his relatives for burial as of the writing of this report. The UPDF claimed it had to move the prisoners from Gulu Prison based on military intelligence’s discovery of a planned rescue attempt by the LRA.
This event, and the subsequent torture of the prisoners at the Gulu barracks, has generated a number of civil suits, and actions by many human rights bodies such as UHRC, Amnesty International, etc. Leave alone many unreported arrest, detention, killing of civilians by the UPDF soldiers.
These days is even worst under the command of Operation Iron Fist, Lt. Col. Charles Awany Otema, because the UPDF soldiers would falsely suspect you of being a rebel or rebels collaborators. On suspecting you, they will arrest you, torture or ill-treat and detain you in the military barrack. Sometimes they arrest you and dress you in military uniform and begin claiming that they caught you in the battlefront fighting against the government alongside the rebels. This happened to so many people who are civilians, some even students. The best-known case of this kind occurred in Nwoya county last February 2005 where a man by name Opoka, a farmer was accused first of growing crops for rebels and later after he was arrested by UPDF soldiers from his garden even when digging in his cassava plantation by the UPDF soldiers. They arrested and dressed him in army uniform, and they later killed him, then they fabricated a story and reported that Opoka was a rebel and he was killed in a battlefront fighting on the side of LRA.
Another case was a boy named Odida Churchill from Awac, a student of Awere senior secondary school. Odida was arrested when he was coming from school and he was even carrying his books, but he was arrested, taken to Gulu military barrack, and later UPDF soldiers said he was arrested in a battle fighting alongside rebels. He was tortured to death by UPDF soldiers, and so many others.
Non-stop Torture and Ill-Treatment by the UPDF
The UPDF soldiers ever since has been arresting, torturing and detaining civilians in Gulu military barracks. Aida Lagulu was arrested and gang-raped during her detention there. Tony Kitara, the local councilor-III of Bungatira, Gulu district, reported that he was tortured in Gulu barracks. AbuOpoka was arrested, tortured and detained in Gulu Military barrack on so many times for being a mother of suspected rebel collaborator. Recently she was found shot with other women whom the UPDF soldiers claimed they shot them unintended because they (UPDF) thought they were rebels.
In a separate case, Stephen O, a twenty-five-year-old man from Layibi in Gulu municipality, lost a leg after UPDF soldiers shoot him outside a shop and later they came back to make sure he was dead. Stephen went on his bicycle to the trading center to buy paraffin. Just before he entered the shop some UPDF soldiers ordered the shopkeeper to close up. Two of the soldiers came up to him, placed him under arrest, asked him about his home, and started beating him with the butts of their guns.
One soldier, addressing Stephen in Kiswahili, ordered him to run but Stephen did not understand him and ignored the order. The other soldier, from Teso in eastern Uganda, told him (in a language he understood) to run “otherwise I would be shot. I started to run and they shot at me. They hit me in my leg.”
The Teso soldier ordered many people around the shop to leave. stephen lost consciousness and woke up three hours later and started crawling into a nearby hotel. He heard the soldiers coming back to check on him and one said, “I told you the guy’s leg was not shot properly, so he escaped.”
Stephen hid under a bed in a hotel room but the soldiers, after more searching, found him and took his identification card. He played dead. More soldiers came in and argued over whether Stephen was dead or not. Searching his belongings, they took 1,000 Ugandan shillings from his pockets, and left. Two soldiers came back, dragged Stephen from the room, and threw him into the bush. Early in the morning, he managed to reach a nearby house and ask for help.
Stephen’s leg was amputated in Lacor hospital in Gulu but he did not take his medical form, describing his injuries, to the police afterward. He did not see any reason for doing this because, “There are so many people who were shot by UPDF in my area and nothing happened, nothing will happen when I bring the form to the police because even police is part of them.”
Torture is inflicted on some people held in military detention facilities by UPDF soldiers. After David O. was arrested for alleged collaboration with rebels, UPDF soldiers under the command of a second lieutenant, whose name David provided, burned David O. by pouring melting plastic from a jerry can over his shoulders and back.
The incident was reported to a local human rights organization. According to the report, David O. was initially arrested by members of the Kalangala Action Plan, and the torture allegedly took place in their presence. Subsequently the case developed its own momentum. The UPDF arrested and reportedly tortured members of David O.’s family inside the army detachment to force them to disclose the name of the person who had reported the case to the human rights group. Under coercion, they provided the name of the paralegal of Olwal IDP camp, who was then arrested and kept in detention at the army detachment in Olwal camp.
David O., the torture victim, was asked to pay 35,000 Ugandan shillings for his release. He was later sent to the hospital for treatment of his back, which was badly injured.
A sixteen-year-old Peter O. who was abducted by the rebel of LRA but managed to escaped from the rebels was shot at by the UPDF when he was approaching a roadblock, even when he was pleading that he is a civilian. The soldiers kept shoting at him three times, but failed to hit him. “I started rolling and then raised my hands in surrender, so the commander ordered them to stop shooting.”
The UPDF beat him badly. “They started beating me in the barracks, loaded me on a vehicle and took me to Miajakulu detachment” where he said he was kicked and beaten “until they were sure my backbone was broken. I was tied in the three-point ‘‘kandoya’’ way and kicked.
Arrests of Alleged Rebel Collaborators
The Gulu branch of the Legal Aid Project received complaints that Ugandan government authorities, mostly the UPDF, had arbitrarily detained people on treason charges, illegally detained persons in UPDF military barracks, conducted arrests without warrants, and denied detainees access to the judiciary.
Suspected civilians were arrested and kept in military barrack instead of police detention, investigations and collection of evidence were rare, torture and ill-treatment of suspects were rampant, living conditions were unsanitary and overcrowded in many cases, and some of the persons carrying out the arrests had no authority to do so. Suspects have been arrested by the UPDF, the LDUs, the police, the KAP, the CMI, and officers from various intelligence agencies connected to the Internal Security Organization (ISO). Many people arrested for alleged rebel collaboration in northern Uganda were arrested in their villages or fields, pursuant to an order whereby the government restricted movement from the internally displaced persons camps as described above.
This order resulted into a precarious situation for the population of northern Uganda. They were restricted to camps where they were vulnerable to UPDF and LRA attacks and famine (food shortages due to little space in which to garden and LRA attacks on relief food convoys), or they risked arrest for alleged rebel collaboration for trying to return to their homes and fields to plant or harvest food crops.
UPDF soldiers also on many occasions go to people gardens or plantation and destroy their crops, claiming they are doing that because people in the villages are growing crops for rebels. They also claim most Acholis are rebel collaborators.
Many supporters of the political opposition are arrested, detained or killed, depending on God luck. In a region where the support for President Museveni in the last presidential elections allegedly did not exceed 20 percent, the arbitrary practice of the UPDF and security organs of arresting and incarcerating civilians created an atmosphere of fear and political repression. According to one of the Gulu prisoners,
I was politically outspoken and I had told the president [Museveni] during a rally in Gulu that he will not win 87 percent of the votes in Gulu as his campaigners promised. I had been in and out of prison for my political convictions since Museveni’s NRM and political organization came to Gulu in 1986.
Others are detained for treason or on rebel collaboration charges and others belong to political opposition organizations. Some were reportedly members of Uganda Young Democrats, campaigners for Kiiza Besigye’s losing presidential campaign, supporters of opposition candidate Lt. Col. Okot Alenysio in his electoral campaign for local councilor-V, or campaigners for government opponent Kerobino Uma for the district chairmanship elections.
A credible source from Palatjera IDP camp reported that more than sixty people from that camp were arrested on allegations of rebel collaboration. According to him there was an arrest list in circulation with an additional 400 names on it. A human rights defender from the Ulwal IDP camp in Lamogi sub county told Human Rights Watch that arrests from the camp increased after Operation Iron Fist started, and that there were ten Luwal people charged with treason being held in the Fourth Division barracks in Gulu. The ten, all males, were arrested and some were killed and others upto now some of them are still missing. According to a credible source from Atiak camp, “In Atiak and Anaka camps every week somebody is picked up as a rebel collaborator. Some are released, others remain in the military barracks.”
Rape and Sexual Abuse inflicted on mothers, sisters and young girls by UPDF soldiers.
Sexual violence, including rape and defilement, appear to have risen in the north as a result of the current conflict, with adolescent girls at greatest risk. A survey found that in Gulu, girls identified “rape and defilement” as their third most important concern behind “insecurity, abduction and murder” and “displacement.”
The apparent increased incidence of rape is associated with the increased presence of the UPDF and the vulnerability of the displaced population. Girls are vulnerable to sexual assault when traveling from IDP camps to work in the fields of their original homes, and when traveling into town in the evenings as “night commuters.” Young boys are also at risk.
There is a social stigma attached to being raped. The perception that abused women should feel guilty and might have seduced the rapists is still prevalent in Acholiland, according to the program coordinator of Caritas’ women’s desk, Sister Margaret Aceng. People’s Voice for Peace reports documented several cases where women were abandoned by their husbands or communities after they reported being raped to the police.
The case of Mrs. Paska, forty-eight years old, mother of eleven, and a widow, exemplifies the dilemma of many raped women. She found herself grief-stricken over being raped by UPDF soldiers and also over the death of one of the twins born as a result of the rape. She was painted by her in-laws’ comments that “`I knew the soldier or else how could he come to me.'” She stated, “My in-laws do not want this child and even my older children do not want this child.”
Even when the family of the rape victim is supportive, the perpetrators identified, and the case reported to the police, the result is discouraging because many women do not want to draw more attention to themselves. In addition, women may be discouraged from reporting cases of rape by soldiers because most reports are not followed through, the violators are transferred to another unit, and the case might be stuck at the local police or army detachment where it was reported.
Also two young girls who are cousins, ages thirteen years and nineteen years, were raped by two UPDF soldiers. Joanna A. and Alice O. went with Joanna’s mother from the displaced persons camp where they lived to their garden in the early morning to work. Returning to the camp at about ten o’clock in the morning, they met two uniformed UPDF soldiers at a junction in the road. The soldiers told them to sit on the ground. Then they asked if they had chickens at home. The mother replied in the affirmative, and one soldier then said, “If they are there, let’s go and get them.”
Although the mother wanted to return to the camp on the regular path, the soldiers wanted to move through the bush. At a certain point, one of the soldiers stopped and began to prepare the ground, stepping on the grass. According to one of the teenagers, Joanna A.,
‘‘He said to sit down and then ordered us to take off our clothes. First we refused, and one of the soldiers said that if we didn’t, he would shoot us. Then he told us to lie down. When Alice [her cousin] didn’t, one of the soldiers kicked her in the chest. My mother said “don’t mistreat my children; they are very young.” The darker soldier took Alice a short distance away, while the other one stayed with me. He threatened me with a gun and raped me. I was just crying. The other soldier raped Alice. Then the darker soldier who had raped Alice called me to him and raped me too, while the other one raped Alice.’’
Upon release, Joanna A., Alice O., and Joanna’s mother immediately reported the rape to the camp’s local councillor, the local army commander, and the local police. One of the soldiers was apprehended and taken back to the barracks, where he was reportedly beaten. The other returned to the barracks that night and family members of the rape victims were told he was beaten also. However, two days later, the unit was transferred out of the area. That is what they normally do. They transfer the rapist and killers as a means of punishment.
The soldiers don’t use condoms, and both survivors were fearful that they were infected with the HIV virus. Joanna said, “People tell us we will die. They say the soldiers may be infected. I think about it a lot.”
Both Joanna and Alice were tested for the HIV virus after the rape, and the results were positive.
Lt. Paddy Ankunda, the public relations officer (PRO) for the Fourth Division of the UPDF in Gulu, denied that there was a lack of legal redress for the rape victims. He insisted that, “In all cases of harassment of civilians by the army the culprits are brought to the book. We take action and follow the case. There are no cases where rapists were transferred.”
In Matere, Kitgum district, according to a women’s rights activist, a group of women visiting a mother and her newborn were gang-raped by twenty UPDF soldiers. They had been followed to the home of the new mother by the group of soldiers. The soldiers entered the compound and ordered the women to lie down, at gunpoint. They raped the women there and threatened them with death if the women reported the rapes: “Should we hear anything about you, you are all dead.”
The local councillor (LC-I) of the area witnessed and reported the case, but no identification of the soldiers was made.
The Solution will be a people’s regime change, that will hang him and then his smelly body fed to starving vultures, so that a bloody chapter in the African history is closed. Yes, that day is coming very soon and the world will be shocked how events can turn in Africa.
LONG LIVE AFRICA!!!
A Free Uganda can only be ruled by a Ugandan and not by a foreigner like Tyrant Yoweri Museveni, whose hands are tainted with the blood of our people.
Patriotic Ugandans, don’t give away your land to foreigners to make a fortune while Thousand of families are rendered homeless and left to live in concentration camps and squalor. What has happened to our people in Northern Uganda, Karamoja and what is also soon to befall the people of Nagulu, Nakawa, Buganda, Bunyoro,Teso and West nile is unacceptable. This is the time to rise up and be counted!!
Foreign Capitalism is the biggest FUCK humiliating our People!!
Today we say; Our struggle has taken a new radical dimension and we say to those Ugandans who are participating in Elections with a Non Ugandan like Murderer Yoweri Museveni and calling him the leader of Uganda, are enemies of our people.
We rather have a Ugandan of Asian, European, African, etc. background born in Uganda as our President, than someone not born in Uganda but Burundi.
You wouldn’t be allowed to be the president of Burundi if you were not born there. So what sort of idiots are we to allow some illegal immigrant to be our president?
According to some reports, Kayibanda and his wife Esteri Kokundeka came to Uganda when Museveni was a toddler.
There is a story common in Ankole but difficult to prove for its accuracy, about how Museveni’s parents ended up in Uganda.
This version has it that Museveni’s mother was of royal Kinyarwanda Tutsi stock. Apparently during one of her
many idle moments at the royal court in Rwanda, she was seduced by or seduced one of the court workers, a Mutwa named Kayibanda.
Museveni was the result of this laison, making him paternally a Twa and maternally a Tutsi.
Her proud Tutsi royal family had to quickly chase her for a shaming them. So she fled to Uganda for ever. Because of the disgrace she had brought upon herself by this liason with a despised commoner, she, the commoner, and their son
Museveni were banished and fled across the border into Uganda. Being desperate to find means of supporting the woman and their child, Kayibanda the journeyman was given employment as a herdsman by a young cattle owner
named Amos Kaguta.
Kaguta was also of Rwandese stock and his brothers are reported to have remained in Rwanda when he migrated to Uganda. It was not long before Kayibanda eyed on Kaguta’s wife. Kaguta angrily banished Kayibanda from his home and Kayibanda fled to Tanzania with Kaguta’s adulterous wife.
But Kaguta retained Kokundeka and her child Museveni as his wife and child. Kayibanda and Kokundeka had a second born child, a girl who later got married to a Rwandese Ugandan named Nathan Ruyondo. Ruyondo would became a Ugandan civil servant in the town of Masaka. Museveni, therefore, had one direct sibling, this girl who got married to Ruyondo.
The day before he started his guerrilla war in 1981, Museveni travelled to Masaka and spent the night in his true sister’s home, on 5 Feb., 1981. He used Ruyondo’s Peugeot 304 to drive to the Kabamba army barracks for the attack the next day, 6 Feb., 1981. When he narrates his attack on Kabamba in Sowing The Mustard Seed, Museveni describes Ruyondo as “one of my
acquainatnces.” Acquaintance indeed!
Before we move on, lets remind you what has been happening:
Where is FDC and other pretenders who claim to be champions of Democracy in Uganda? Ehh, where are they?
Ugandans will celebrate the day these three criminals are hanged.
This is what the ethics and integrity Nsaba Buturo and Basajjabalaba do to your Monies that they get from bank of Uganda for doin nothing for our country apart from exploiting it!!
At least Yoweri Museveni's step brother Salim Saleh with Somali background was born in Uganda but he has committed horrendous crimes against humanity in Uganda and DR Congo!!
Now clever professors and political pundits, why do you think its Ugandan and Burundian soldiers doing the American dirty work in Somalia?
We should all learn from John Nagenda the Dictators Advisor and biggest fan, he has come out clean by letting us know that he is a confused Munyarwanda with a Ugandan Background.
What people should understand is that Yoweri Museveni is not a Munyarwanda but a Murundi because Banyarwanda will never denounce their Kinyarwanda roots and Kinyarwanda is a Uganda Language spoken in Rwanda, and DR Congo. Just like you have English spoken in England, USA and Canada with a minor difference in accents but a big difference in culture, especialy food. Banyarwanda in Uganda would find food names in Rwanda (Ubugali & Ugali, ichigaji & inzoga) misleading. Now if a Congolese Kinyarwanda speaker asked a Uganda munyarwanda to pass them some “Sombe” they would never understand. That’s why a Munyarwanda politician from Rwanda would not find it shameful to betray a Munyarwanda from Congo because culturally they’re different.
However, a Murundi will always be a Murundi. That’s why you saw Museveni going back to burundi to participate in a peace match but has not done so in Uganda apart from HIV/AIDs of which he is. Ehh, don’t go mumps… on me because its Yoweri Museveni and the Americans that introduced HIV in Uganda and not Ugandans[*Sigh*]
Now you might think that we are some sort of nasty radicals trying to impose our ideology on Ugandans, but very wrong. Because even the main stream media in Uganda has started to realise how Uganda has been taken over by foreign cunts:
TABLE Shows THE ORIGIN of Insurance COMPANIES AND THEIR executive HEADS
COMPANY, Origin, HEAD
1 AIG Uganda Ltd Foreign MD, Mr. Alex Wanjohi
2 East Africa Underwriters Ltd Foreign GM, Mr.Barrie Cambridge
3 Excel Insurance Co. Ltd Uganda MD, Mr. D.W. Mukasa
4 First Insurance Co. Ltd Uganda GM, Mr. Dhansuk Nagar
5 Goldstar Insurance Co. Ltd Uganda MD, Mr. Azim Tharani
6 Insurance Co. of E Africa (U) Ltd Foreign MD, Mr. Gary V. Corbit
7 Liberty Life Assurance Uganda Limited, Foreign GM, Mr. Joseph Almeida
8 Leads Insurance Ltd Uganda C. E.O, Mr. Sam Phili
9 Lion Assurance Co. Ltd Foreign MD, Mr. Geoffrey Kihuguru
10 National Insurance Corporation Ltd. Foreign MD, Dr. Segun Akinwale
11 NICO Insurance (UG) Ltd , Foreign MD, Mr._Ronald Zake
12 Microcare Insurance Ltd Foreign MD, Mr. Francis Somerwe
13 Pax Insurance Co. Ltd Uganda GM, Mr. John Ssempeera
14 Phoenix of Uganda Assurance Co. Ltd Foreign GM, Mr. V. Parthasarathi
15 Paramount Insurance Co.Ltd, Uganda MD, Mr. Leo Kiwanuka
16 Rio Insurance Co. Ltd Uganda MD, Mr. John Mutumba
17 Statewide lnsurance Co.Ltd, Uganda MD, Mr. J.W Kiwannuka
18 The East Africa General Insurance Co. Ltd Foreign GM, Mr. James Doss
19 The Jubilee Insurance Company of (U) Ltd Foreign GM, Mr. Pandey Deepak
20 TransAfrica Assurance Foreign GM, Dr. S.Kumar Jain
21 UAP Insurance Uganda Ltd Foreign MD, Mr. Mathew Koech
TABLE SHOWs THE ORIGIN of commercial banks and THEIR executive HEADS
Bank, Origin, Head
1. UBA Nigeria Margaret Mwanakatwe (MD)
2. Tropical Libya Mohamad Ali Wahra (MD)
3. Stanchart Multinational Lamin K. Manjang (CEO)
4. Stanbic South Africa Philip Odera (MD)
5. Post Bank Uganda Stephen Mukweri CEO
6. Orient Bank Nigeria Maxwel Ibeanusi (MD)
7. KCB Kenya James Agin (MD)
8. Housing Finance Bank Uganda Nicholas Okwir (MD)
9. Global Trust Bank Nigeria Richard Byarugaba (MD)
10. Fina Bank Kenya Robert Wallow (MD)
11. Equity Bank Kenya Charles Nalyaali (MD)
12. ECO Bank Togo Oladete Dele Alabi (MD)
13. Diamond Trust Kenya Vargshese Thambi (CEO)
14. DFCU Multinational George Mortimer
15. Crane Bank Uganda A.R.Kalan (MD)
16. Centenary Uganda Joh Giles (MD)
17. Cairo International Bank Egypt Nabil Ghanean
18. Bank of Africa Kenya Kwame Adhazi (MD)
19. Bank of Baroda India/Uganda Pramod K. Gupta (MD)
20. Citi bank Multi national Shirish Bidhe
21. Barclays Bank Multi national Charles Ongwae
Source: The Weekly Observer
Now, traitors like the so called Executive Director of Federation of Uganda Employers, Rosemary Ssenabulya, thinking that Ugandans have bad working ethics and lack the necessary skills. Does she mean the government or herself? For her information, Ugandans are the most hard working people in the world and deserve a minimum wage as one of the working ethics. What has she done about it?
Ugandans want their country back today and not tomorrow. Anyone going in contract with the named foreign entities, should understand that their contracts will always remain null and void (Kiwani) in a Uganda for tomorrow that will be run by patriotic indigenous Ugandans. So Buyer be Aware!!!
We know Museveni so well and will pin him down when the time comes and he has no direct control of his killer machine.
BOTH BESIGYE, MUSEVENI, DID NOT SHOOT GUN
. General Museveni collapsed.
. Col. Besigye abandoned gun.
Some NRA bush-war fighters are stunned by the war of words between Gen. Yoweri Museveni and Col. Kizza Besigye over each other’s contribution to the war that brought Museveni to power in 1986.
The general view among those The Observer spoke to is that none of the two men actually got involved in real fighting.
In fact, both men had opportunities to demonstrate their military prowess, but fell short.
While Museveni collapsed and fainted after he failed to walk any further, Besigye demonstrated cowardice when he ran away, abandoning his gun and medical equipment on hearing enemy gunfire.
The former guerrillas we spoke to, many of them senior army officers, are amazed that Besigye has the audacity to claim that he brought “mzee to power” and shocked at the same time that Museveni describes Besigye as a late comer in the struggle.
In a recent interview with Sunday Vision, Besigye said that his former bush-war commander never fired a single shot throughout the five-year war that brought this government to power.
The FDC President also apologised for having “brought Museveni to power” and promised to shoulder the burden of removing “the problem.”
A week later, Museveni fired back, telling the same newspaper that he shot a gun in 1972 when Ugandan exiles based in Tanzania attacked Idi Amin’s army in Mbarara and 1973 in Mbale. He said Besigye was a late comer who may not have had the opportunity to see him display his military skills.
So, who really fought? Bush war veterans say none of them.
KABAMBA O, I and III
There were three attacks on Kabamba barracks in the history of the National Resistance (NRA) guerrilla war in which Museveni was remotely or directly involved.
In his May 17 missive, Museveni says he commanded the first NRA attack on Kabamba on Friday February 6, 1981.
He was commander of the 43-member platoon that attacked the barracks. However, Gen. Museveni doesn’t explain in this missive or his autobiography, ‘Sowing the Mustard Seed’ whether he actually fired a bullet during this invasion. As commander, Museveni was probably more instrumental in the planning process. In fact, Gen. Tumwine’s name comes up more prominently when this particular attack is mentioned.
Luwero war veterans, most of them speaking on condition of anonymity, blame Gen. Museveni for the poor planning of the second attack on Kabamba in May 1983. This operation is nicknamed ‘Kabamba Zero’ because it flopped.
It appears Museveni is ashamed of the incident because he makes no mention of it in his book, whereas he clearly documents Kabamba I and III.
Maj. John Kazoora, who joined the NRA around March 1982, recalls that the May 1983 second attempt on Kabamba was planned at a time when the guerrillas had no food after Obote’s UNLA routed them from Bulemeezi where they used to get free food.
It was under these dire circumstances that Museveni organised about 800 soldiers to attack Kabamba. Some of the fighters questioned the wisdom of their commander-in-chief sending hungry fighters to a deadly mission.
Col. Besigye joined the war around June 1982, having arrived in the bush with one Edward Ruswata Kanoonya who also claimed to be a doctor.
Kanoonya was promoted to a level of senior officer partly to quell sentiments from Baganda fighters who complained that they were being sidelined.
It is reported that in a battle around 1984 in which Brig. Henry Tumukunde was shot in the leg, Kanooya, coming face to face with Obote’s soldiers in battle for the first time, panicked and reported himself to a nearby government detach. He even disclosed some NRA secrets.
Such was the ferocity of the fighting that sometimes the faint-hearted ran away or collapsed. Museveni also faced some of these moments.
On page 162 of his autobiography, he writes about fainting in January 1985 during the NRA’s third invasion of Kabamba that was commanded by his brother, Salim Saleh.
When Saleh and his forces advanced from Singo to Kabamba, crossing Hoima Road, Museveni stayed at a place called Kagaali.
When Kabamba was captured, Museveni crossed Hoima Road to go and meet the victorious forces.
A senior army officer has told The Observer that whenever victory was registered, Museveni would move to meet fighters on the way back. Some have interpreted this as an attempt to be part of the victory, but others say he was simply doing is job as a good commander who morale boosts his forces.
In fact, another fighter says that the guerrillas themselves were always anxious to deliver the good news to the boss after a successful operation.
Another veteran suggested to us that Museveni always felt insecure whenever his brother Saleh, who commanded the best equipped Mobile Brigade, was away on a mission.
This veteran’s account further suggests that even the few times Museveni escorted the fighters, like was the case with the June 1 1984 invasion of Hoima, he did so partly because he wanted protection from the well equipped mobile brigade.
During the third and successful attack on Kabamba, Kazoora recalls that Museveni stayed at Kyamusisi being guarded by his third battalion. This is where the news of a successful attack on Kabamba found him.
Museveni says that he fainted during the process of walking from this area to team up with the force that had overrun Kabamba and was now returning with lots of ammunition.
Senior bush war veterans have told us that actually Museveni collapsed due to exhaustion because the force he was with was being terrorised by the UNLA soldiers, making him wander through a very long distance for the first time. Museveni was reportedly moving towards Saleh’s Mobile Brigade for protection. This sort of enemy offensive was referred to as kutalaza. Saleh reportedly informed his force that the commander-in- chief was in trouble and they needed to run to his rescue. They eventually found him.
Our information is that Museveni collapsed at a place called Birembo and his soldiers carried him on their shoulders till they got tired and pushed him to safety on a bicycle that was also used to carry guns.
But even after he was rescued, the enemy continued attacking the NRA ferociously, and it was the late Patrick Lumumba who is reported to have engaged the enemy to enable the force guarding Museveni get some respite.
BESIGYE ABANDONS GUN
As a medical doctor, Besigye was not always involved in combat but rather treating injured soldiers and taking care of Museveni’s health.
However, our information is that Besigye at one point abandoned both his gun and the medical equipment he was boiling when a katyusha landed next to where he was seated.
Two senior officers who spoke to us about this incident say it either happened after Kabamba III or the Hoima invasion.
After walking a long distance, as the guerrillas usually did, soldiers sat under some thick forest to nurse the wounded. Besigye began boiling the medical equipment, but smoke betrayed them when UNLA soldiers detected human presence and fired a katyusha in their direction. It landed near Besigye and he took off, leaving behind the equipment and his gun. Chris Bunyenyezi, who died during the RPF war in Rwanda, picked up Besigye’s gun and often teased him about the incident.
According to Kazoora, modern warfare is not about shooting, but intelligence gathering, reconnaissance and support. Kazoora, now a senior FDC official, wonders if Saleh and Tinyefuza would still be alive if Besigye had not treated them, for instance. Saleh’s hands were both hit while Tinyefuza was shot in the leg. Kazoora says it is not true, as Museveni claims, that Besigye was a late comer. Besigye joined when the entire NRA force was just about 600 fighters.
Our investigations have also revealed that some officers today are given more credit for their exploits while others who played even greater roles are ignored.
For instance, Saleh is credited for most of NRA’s successes as commander of the mobile force that comprised about four battalions.
But one of our forces wonders why Maj. Gen. Joram Mugume, who was Saleh’s deputy, is hardly mentioned yet he was involved in most of these operations.
Battalions that made up Saleh’s Brigade, according to Museveni’s book, were commanded by; Col. Pecos Kutesa (1st), Patrick Lumumba (3rd), Steven Kashaka (5th), Brig. Matayo Kyaligonza (7th), and Chefe Ali (11th).
A senior officer has told The Observer that while credit always goes to the commanders, real fighting was done and influenced by a lot more people, many of them unrecognised today.
For instance, this source cites Maj. Frank Kaka who is currently involved in hotel business on Ssese Islands. This man is credited for the success of the 1984 invasion of Masindi Artillery Regiment. Maj. Kaka, who several sources claim retired a disgruntled army officer, joined when he was a graduate and is believed to have been part of the key intelligence personnel in the bush.
Having worked in Masindi, Kaka is reportedly the one who spied on the barracks in preparation for the attack, which is considered the NRA’s turning point. “If he had guided us to death, war would have ended there,” a senior officer told The Observer.
Another officer recalls when late Maj. Gen. Fred Rwigyema’s whole Western Axis force was saved by a drunken Mutooro. The man informed Rwigyema and his other commanders that Obote’s forces were about to attack them at the time they were relaxing, chewing sugarcane after a successful operation. To his credit, Rwigyema took the man seriously and very quickly ordered his solders to be on the alert. Indeed within minutes, fighting broke out. “Where do you put this drunken man if you are quantifying contributions?” asked the officer.
It has also emerged that actually Museveni and Besigye were very close during the war and both enjoyed the highest level of protection.
The NRM camp was organised in such a way that the quarter guard was the first contact. After the quarter guard, you would go to non-commissioned soldiers, commissioned, trainees, junior officers, senior officers, and then the inner circle comprising the High Command. This is where
Museveni and Besigye were always holed up.
Members of the High Command who enjoyed this status and protection included; Hajji Moses Kigongo, Elly Tumwine, Jack Mucunguzi, Matayo Kyaligonza, Kahinda Otafiire, Fred Rwigyema, Joram Mugume, Serwanga Lwanga, and Sam Magala. Jim Muhwezi, Pecos Kutesa, Stanley Muhangi, Emmy Kyaruhanga, Chihande, were some of the ex-officios.
Besigye was not a member of the High Command but being personal doctor of its chairman, Museveni, brought him closer. In fact, we have been told that Besigye was more than a medical doctor to Museveni; he also served as his personal assistant of sorts.
Former Army Commander, Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu, said on Tuesday that the discussion should be about whether the leadership is still respecting the objective for which the bush war was fought. “Who is still on track?” he asked.
He said debating who shot and who didn’t was diversionary and doesn’t advance the livelihood of millions of Ugandans.
President Museveni started it all when wrote a letter in The New Vision calling Besigye a liar. Sunday Vision gave Besigye an opportunity to reply and he attacked Museveni for thinking the liberation struggle started and ended with him as a person. Besigye said everybody, including cooks like Gertrude Njuba, made a significant contribution. He also added that Museveni had in fact not fired a single shot in the bush, to which Museveni responded by saying that Besigye joined the struggle so late that by them it was no longer necessary for Museveni to get to fire his gun, having done so in several earlier battles.
Officers speak about Museveni the guerrilla
. Brig. Henry Tumukunde: I do not think President Museveni is so much a military person in the sense of career. He is a revolutionary fighter and strategist. He has never done any career progremme. (CBS; April 30, 2005 and The Observer; May 5, 2005)
. Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire: He was a soldier like everybody else. There was nothing special about Museveni. Officers don’t fight. Commanders plan and guide, if you start shooting like all the soldiers, you have lost the war. (The Observer; September 15, 2005)
. Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu: Museveni had physical courage, not fearful. I remember when we were in Kikandwa during the bush struggle; the enemy came about 2km away from our camp. We didn’t have any guns but Museveni maintained calmness in the camp. Some of us were new recruits so we were nervous. (The Observer; August 25, 2005)
. Maj. Rubaramira Ruranga: We used to call him Mzee because he was more experienced than all of us. He had been at a level of a vice president in the Commission, a minister of defence. He was also clever that he recruited very young people; the kind that would obey him.
(The Observer; November 2, 2005)
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