Arrest Yoweri Museveni for War Crimes

Yoweri Museveni African Butcher
What happened to the hundreds of children that were in NRA(Now UPDF) and sent to Mubende. Where are all those children that In 2005, escaped or were captured or released from the LRA and pressured to join Yoweri Museveni’s forces and fight the LRA. Where are they now?
Why is Salim Saleh, a UPDF officer believed to have been banned from traveling to the United States over the UPDF’s role in the plunder of mineral resources from the DR Congo in the late 1990s, still a Cabinet Minister?

yoweri museveni
Why should a Killer and thief like yoweri Museveni, still be roaming western Capitals when the evidence is there for his arrest. Why should Sudanese Omar Bashir be wanted by ICC and Not Yoweri Museveni that has commited even worse crime?
See Illegal exploitation of natural resources and other forms of wealth of the DR Congo
Why should Darfur(less than 1000 dead) be called a genocide and not DR congo(6million dead).
Very simple. Yoweri Museveni is a western client and Omar Bashir a chinese client.
I’m not a big person on the world stage but big men like Alison Des Forges, Senior Advisor at the Africa Division of Human Rights Watch. said:

“Uganda sent its troops into Congo supposedly to assure its own security, but in the process, it has caused greater insecurity for its unfortunate neighbors,” said Alison Des Forges, Senior Advisor at the Africa Division of Human Rights Watch. “Pulling out some of its troops does not relieve Uganda of the responsibility for investigating and punishing the soldiers who have been involved in these crimes.”

Des Forges said that Congolese leaders, including the heads of political factions and organizers of militias, have also violated the rights of their fellow citizens in Ugandan-dominated zones. The Ugandans trained local combatants who were recruited by rival political leaders on the basis of personal or ethnic loyalty, and who were more likely to be used for local advantage than in the war against the Congo government. Both the Ugandans and leaders of the Congolese Rally for Democracy-Liberation Movement (RCD-ML) recruited and trained children as combatants. In August 2000 Uganda airlifted 163 children from Congo to Kampala for military training.

“Uganda has repeatedly promised to end the use of child soldiers, yet here it is openly teaching Congolese children to make war,” said Des Forges. “When does it plan to start making good on these promises?” Congolese political leaders in the Ugandan-controlled region have detained rivals, held them in inhumane conditions, and sometimes tortured them. Ugandan soldiers have similarly abused Congolese whom they have identified as opponents. Ugandan authorities in mid-2000 approved an alliance between RCD-ML leader Mbusa Nyamwisi and Mai-Mai, a local militia hostile to foreign occupiers, and even arranged to provide military training for them. Later, Ugandans rejected the arrangement and began fighting the Mai-Mai. In subsequent conflicts, Ugandan troops captured and summarily executed Mai-Mai combatants. They also attacked local people thought to have aided the Mai-Mai, killing civilians and laying waste their villages. Ugandan soldiers also backed the RCD-National, supposedly another rebel political movement but apparently really an operation to extract and market the rich mineral resources of the Bafwasende area.

“Ugandan soldiers have blatantly exploited Congolese wealth for their own benefit, and that of their superiors at home,” said Des Forges. “In competing for control of Congo’s phenomenal resources, the Ugandans as well as other parties to this war have committed countless atrocities against the Congolese population.”

Unless the International Criminal Court is also part and parcel of Yoweri Museveni’s African Genocide project, set out under article 15 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court,an investigation proprio motu by undertaking a preliminary investigation of serious crimes committed in Ituri within the presumptive jurisdiction of the ICC for possible prosecution.

The Front for the Liberation of Congo in Ugandan occupied areas

The Movement for the Liberation of Congo (Mouvement pour la Liberation du Congo, MLC), headed by Jean-Pierre Bemba, controls much of Equateur province in the north. By early 2001, it had established its sway over another, less well organized rebel group, the Congolese Rally for Democracy-Liberation Movement (Rassemblement Congolais pour la Democratie-Mouvement de Liberation (RCD-ML), which claimed to control parts of North Kivu, and Orientale provinces in eastern Congo. Uganda engineered this merger among its Congolese rebel allies to unify their military against the government alliance, and to shield it from increasing international scrutiny of its role in manipulating local political divisions and ethnic conflicts as a means of consolidating its control over these resource rich areas.

Uganda reacted angrily to the release in mid April of the report of the U.N. Panel of Experts on the Exploitation of National Resources and other Forms of Wealth of the DR Congo, threatening at one point to withdraw from the Lusaka peace process. Under international prodding, Uganda dropped the threat and committed to withdraw its troops from the country, saying that they have accomplished their mission of defeating the insurgent Allied Democratic Forces (ADF).

Human Rights Watch in March 2001 published the report “Uganda in Northeastern DRC: Fueling Political and Ethnic Strife” which documented the following abuses in areas occupied by Uganda near the border between Uganda and the DRC:

Ugandan military forces have played a decisive role in local affairs, even changing administrative boundaries and designating provincial officials, taking advantage of an administrative void resulting from continuing disputes among the various offshoots of the Ugandan- sponsored RCD-ML.

Within the context of the broader war and the continuing political conflicts, a small-scale dispute over land between Hema and Lendu peoples in northeastern DRC, one of many which previously appeared to have been settled peacefully, grew in scale and intensity. The Hema were thought to enjoy general support from the Ugandans, attributed to a supposed ethnic bond between the Hema of the DRC and those of Uganda. >From the first violence in June 1999 through early 2000, an estimated 7,000 persons were killed and another 150,000 were displaced. In the most recent incident of violence in January 2001, another 400 people were killed during one day of violence in Bunia and at least 30,000 people were forced to flee the region.

The perception that the Ugandan army supported the Hema was made real in many communities by Ugandan soldiers who helped Hema in defending their large farms against Lendu attack and who helped Hema militia attack Lendu villages. In some cases, these soldiers provided support in return for payments to themselves or their superior officers. In at least one case, Ugandan soldiers also assisted Lendu in attacking Hema. In one reported clash Ugandan soldiers backing different sides engaged in combat against each other. The assistance of Ugandan soldiers as well as the provision of training and arms to local forces resulted in a larger number of civilian casualties in these conflicts than would otherwise have been the case.

Under the guise of creating an army for the rebel movement, Congolese political leaders developed their own groups of armed supporters, bound to them by ties of personal and/or ethnic loyalty. On several occasions in the last two years, these armed supporters have engaged in operations in which civilians were killed. Uganda trained these groups even when it seemed likely that they would be used in local ethnic and partisan conflict rather than as part of a disciplined military force.

All parties, including the Ugandans, recruited and trained children to serve as soldiers. In August 2000 Uganda transported some 163 children, part of a larger group of 700 recruits, to Uganda for military training. Only in February 2001 did the government of Uganda grant various international agencies access to these children with a view to their demobilization and resettlement.

Contending RCD-ML political leaders Wamba dia Wamba and Mbusa Nyamwisi as well as Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) soldiers have illegally detained political leaders whom they have identified as opponents and held them under inhumane conditions. In some cases the UPDF and RCD-ML forces have tortured political opponents in detention.

The RCD-ML’s “prime minister” Mbusa Nyamwisi, a local leader from a third powerful ethnic group, the Nande, sought to increase his power base by allying with Mai-Mai forces, groups of local militia who had been fighting largely to expel foreign occupiers of their territory. Originally ready to tolerate this alliance, the Ugandans then rejected it. In subsequent conflicts with the Mai-Mai, Ugandan forces as well as Congolese rebels loyal to Mbusa extrajudicially executed captured Mai-Mai combatants. Subsequently, the UPDF attacked local people thought to have assisted the Mai-Mai, killing civilians and laying waste to their villages.

Ugandan soldiers also formed and supported the front organization called RCD-National, which appeared to be an operation to extract and market the rich mineral resources of the Bafwasende area rather than the political party which it claimed to be. This blatant exploitation of Congolese wealth for the benefit of both locally based and other more highly placed Ugandan military officers symbolized the larger exploitation of the whole region for the benefit of outside actors.

Proxies Pursuing Their Own Interests
Ituri is home to eighteen different ethnic groups, with the Hema/Gegere71 and Lendu/Ngiti72 communities together representing about 40 per cent of the inhabitants. The other major groups are the Bira, the Alur, the Lugbara, the Nyali, the Ndo-Okebo, and the Lese. With ethnic identity of growing importance, a new group has emerged, the “non-originaires”73, that is, `outsiders’ who were not born in Ituri. The Nande of north Kivu represent the most prominent of the “non-originaires”, due to their importance in the business sector. The emergence of Mbusa Nyamwisi, a Nande, as the leader of the RCD-ML raised the profile of the Nande in Ituri. Hema elites seeking to assert or protect their control of the political and economic spheres in Ituri tend to consider the Nande as direct competitors.

The Hema, Lendu, and other ethnic groups that serve as proxies for governments and rebel movements also seek to set agendas that serve their own interests. They are skilled at playing off the various outside rivals and change sides as their interests dictate. They adapt rapidly to developments on the national scene, working on the basis of the enemy of my enemy is my friend-at least for the moment.
Who Was Who – Armed Political Groups in Ituri

RCD-ML: Congolese Rally for Democracy- Liberation Movement
Current Leader: Mbusa Nyamwisi

Also know as RCD-Kisangani, the RCD-ML was launched in September 1999 in Kampala when Wamba dia Wamba split from the RCD-Goma. Backed at the start by Uganda, the RCD-ML has been fractured by leadership struggles and in-fighting. The current leader, Mbusa Nyamwisi took power after ousting Wamba dia Wamba. The RCD-ML’s military wing is the Congolese Popular Army (APC). The RCD-ML entered into the Sun City agreement of April 2002 and the APC are now being trained and armed by Kinshasa.

MLC: Movement for the Liberation of Congo
Current Leader: Jean-Pierre Bemba

Based in Gbadolite, the MLC has been backed by Uganda since the start of the war in 1998 although there have been occasional differences between the two. The MLC tried twice to establish a foothold in Ituri: in 2001 Bemba had nominal control of the short-lived FPC coalition of Ugandan- backed rebel groups and in 2002 the MLC attacked Mambasa in western Ituri but were forced backed by the APC of Mbusa Nyamwisi. The MLC has occasionally fought alongside the UPC and has been a rival of Mbusa’s RCD-ML.

RCD-National: Congolese Rally for Democracy – National
Current Leader: Roger Lumbala

Now based in Watcha, northern Ituri, the RCD-N initially operated as a front organization for the Ugandans in exploiting the diamond riches of the town of Bafwasende. In 2001 and 2002, the RCD-N supported MLC attempts to win resource-rich areas from the RCD-ML. RCD-N has few soldiers and relies on the MLC army.

UPC: Union of Congolese Patriots (predominately Hema/Gegere party)
Current Leader: Thomas Lubanga

Purportedly launched to promote reconciliation, the UPC quickly became a predominately Gegere-led political party intent on promoting the interests of the Hema and related Gegere. It came to power in Bunia in August 2002 with the help of the Ugandans and used Hema militia as part of its armed forces. It turned to Rwanda for support and formed an alliance with the Rwandan-backed RCD-Goma after being excluded by the RCD-ML and the MLC from the Mambasa ceasefire talks in December 2002. Having turned from Uganda politically, the UPC was ousted from Bunia by the Ugandan army in March 2003 but fought its way back into town in May.

FIPI: Front for Integration and Peace in Ituri (platform of three ethnic-based parties)
Current Leader: A coalition of three leaders of PUSIC, FNI and FPDC
Created in December 2002 with Ugandan support, the three ethnically-based political parties shared the objective of getting rid of the UPC. Otherwise FIPI has no apparent program. The group includes Hema dissatisfied with the UPC, Lendu, and Alur, each with its own political party (see below). After the UPC was forced from Bunia, the parties began squabbling and the coalition appears to have collapsed.

PUSIC: Party for Unity and Safeguarding of the Integrity of Congo (Hema dissatisfied with the UPC)
Current Leader: Chief Kahwa Mandro

Former UPC member Chief Kahwa created PUSIC in early February 2003. Most members appear to be Hema from the south. Uganda supports the party as part of the FIPI coalition. Chief Kahwa was backed briefly by the Rwandans when he was in the UPC, but claims that PUSIC currently has no such support and is more interested in working with Kinshasa. PUSIC may have allied with the UPC against the Lendu in Bunia in May 2003; if so, this alliance of convenience would be tenuous and probably short-lived. PUSIC appears to have continued close links with Ugandan authorities.

FPDC: Popular Force for Democracy in Congo (Alur and Lugbara political party)
Current Leader: Thomas Unen Chen, a former member of the Zairian parliament
FPDC was created in late 2002 mostly by Alur and Lugbara from the Aru and Mahagi area, north Ituri, to counter the UPC. Recently it started to recruit and train its own militias. Although professedly interested in dialogue, it is prepared to fight if dialogue fails. It has been supported by Uganda as part of the FIPI coalition and appears to have close ties with former Ugandan army Col. Peter Karim, an Alur from Uganda.

FNI: Front for National Integration (Lendu political party)
Current Leader: Floribert Njabu Ngabu

Lendu intellectuals and traditional chiefs established FNI but the party claims broad support by the Lendu community in its effort to oppose the UPC. Lendu militias are reportedly being organised under the military wing of this party, which some equate with the FRPI (see below). Supported by Uganda as part of the FIPI coalition, it joined the Ugandan army in driving the UPC from Bunia on March 6, 2003, for which some its members were publicly thanked by Brigadier Kayihura in April. FNI has also benefited from military training and support from the RCD-ML and, through it, from Kinshasa.

FRPI: Patriotic Force of Resistance in Ituri (Ngiti political party)
Current Leader: Dr Adirodo.

Launched in November 2002 the Ngiti party FRPI is said to be closely linked to the Lendu FNI. It is meant to bring together Ngiti militias with traditional leaders in a single force against the UPC. Based in Beni and said to number 9,000 combatants, the FRPI has close ties to the RCD-ML from which it receives both military training and arms. It claims to have a large fighting force and many see it as the army of the FNI. It joined the Ugandans in driving the UPC from Bunia in March 2003 and together with the FNI briefly controlled Bunia in May 2003.

FAPC: People’s Armed Forces of Congo (mixed)
Current Leader: Commander Jerome Kakawave Bakonde
Commander Jerome, based in Aru and Mahagi, established FAPC in March 2003. Jerome has changed allegiances several times, moving from the RCD-ML, to the RCD-N, to the UPC and to the Ugandans but he has more or less stayed in the area of Aru. His group recently obtained support from the Ugandans who attempted to put Commander Jerome in charge of a mixed security apparatus in Bunia just prior to the start of their withdrawal. Other parties objected and Commander Jerome returned to his home at Aru.74 A mutiny occurred in his ranks in May 2003 which was allegedly put down with Ugandan support.75 Jerome is reportedly a Banyarwanda from North Kivu.

The actions of the Hema Chief Kahwa Mandro illustrate the readiness of local actors to change allegiances. Initially supported by Uganda, Chief Kahwa and some other Hema noticed a decline in this backing and decided that the Ugandan Army was not doing enough to protect them against the Lendu. Chief Kahwa Mandro explained to Human Rights Watch researchers:

In August 2000, I was fighting the Lendu in Ituri. But I was accused of being with the Rwandans and the Ugandan rebels, the ADF, so the Ugandans also started to fight with me. I decided I should go and talk to President Museveni which I did in August. He decided that my cause was noble. Our group came for training to Uganda on August 28, 2000. I was in Uganda for 6 months at Kyakwanzi training camp where 705 of us were trained.

After Sun City the Lendu started to be armed by Mbusa [RCD-ML] and so we decided we had to get rid of him. Then Lubanga was arrested by the Ugandans. We didn’t understand this. I stayed in Bunia while Governor Molondo planned a genocide against us.76 I started training about 3,000 fighters in Mandro with the financial help of the Hema community. We collected guns from small attacks. We had been negotiating with Uganda for three years and they had been responsible for so many deaths. No one was aware of our problem. In June 2002 I decided to go to Rwanda to find help for our defense. They had lived through a genocide so they knew what it was like. They understood me and provided us with weapons and logistics. I discussed the situation with James Kabarebe.

Initially this support was good and I thought Rwanda understood my situation, but they profited from it to create another situation. They wanted Ituri to be their rear base to attack Uganda. They continue to send arms including missiles and ammunition for tanks when we don’t even have tanks. They are even sending troops. They are recruiting young soldiers and putting fear into them. They come in with small planes to airstrips like Mongbwalu, Aru, Boga and Bule. I know they do this as I used to go myself on small planes from Kigali to Ituri.77

After becoming disillusioned with Rwandan support and the policy direction of Lubanga’s UPC, Chief Kahwa felt threatened. He separated from Lubanga’s group and re-established links with the Ugandans. He continued:

I was on the list of people to be eliminated by the UPC. When Museveni found out about this, he sent a plane to come and get me. He encouraged me to talk to the Lendu in Kpandruma so we could stop fighting. I started a political party, PUSIC, and then became part of the FIPI coalition which wants peace in Ituri and includes Lendu plus others. I talked to President Kabila in Dar es Salaam where I told him he must stop supporting the Lendu. They were killing us. He understood.

I am going to attack Bunia again and will take it, even if I die. The Ugandan army is informed of our plans but I don’t count on them for help.78

Assistance from external actors may prompt dissidents in a group to hive off and form their own organization, as Chief Kahwa did. However, external actors can also promote coalitions, including those across ethnic lines, like the FIPI group which included Hema, Lendu, and Alur political groups.

The increase in the number of combatant groups in and around Bunia has been matched by increased flow of arms to Ituri as outside actors attempt to ensure victory for their local allies. This greater availability of arms contributed to more casualties in Ituri including civilians.79 In addition to being better armed than in the past, Hema, Lendu, and Ngiti militia groups also appear to be better organized and trained and to function with a more structured military hierarchy.

The Hema – Lendu Conflict

The Hema are pastoralists and the Lendu agriculturalists, but historically there was a high degree of co-existence between the two groups and intermarriage was common. Belgian colonial rule accentuated ethnic divisions between the two communities, however, by trying to reorganize traditional chieftaincies into more homogeneous groups and by favoring the Hema over the Lendu. Even after independence in 1960, the Hema continued as the administrative, landowning, and business elite. When the territory of Kibali-Ituri was created in 1962, for example, no Lendu obtained key positions in the administration. President Sese Sokoto Mobutu confirmed the Hema in management positions in the farming, mining, and local administrative sectors as part of his “Zairiaisation” policy. Hema and Lendu fought small battles over land and fishing rights on several occasions after independence, but in general customary arbitration, backed by the state, contained the incidents.80

At no point in the documented history of Ituri has the violence attained the levels seen since 1999. The broader war in Congo has undoubtedly sparked the greater violence of the current conflict.

This conflict began in June 1999 when a small number of Hema allegedly attempted to bribe local authorities into modifying land ownership registers in their favor in the area of Walendu Pitsu, part of the Djugu district of Ituri. They reportedly used the false papers to evict Lendu inhabitants from the land, or so some local Lendu believed. These Lendu decided to retaliate. In the absence of a strong local authority, the incident quickly turned into a confrontation between the two communities.

Ugandan interference aggravated the situation. Brig. Gen. James Kazini, then in charge of the Ugandan army in DRC, named Adele Lotsove Mugisa, a Hema, Provisional Governor of the districts of Ituri and Haut Uele81, formerly part of Orientale Province.82 Although the proposal to create such a unit had been backed by some politicians in the area, it was the decree of the Ugandan general that altered administrative boundaries, effectively creating a new “province.” In his letter setting up the new post of governor, General Kazini gave full assurances of Ugandan support for the endeavor.83 This important decision, coinciding with the local land dispute, created the impression that the Ugandan army was siding with the Hema landholders.

By 2003 the original dispute had expanded in numbers of people and area touched by the violence. Groups like the Nande, Bira, and Alur previously not associated with either of the contenders have now been forced to choose sides.


  1. Museveni barred from Norway

    The thing (in London now they call it thingy) is that Museveni knows the noose is tightening around his neck. There are people in Norway who want him arrested and tried for war crimes. His latitude to move around is gradually being reduced.

    Thanks my friend,



    Museveni barred from Norway

    Gardemoen International Airport in Oslo at which Museveni’s second advance team was deported late last week ahead of his visit.

    By Timothy Kalyegira

    New information coming in suggests that President Yoweri Museveni was barred from visiting Norway this week.

    The president was scheduled to visit the Scandinavian country on Monday Oct. 26 mainly to meet prospective investors in Uganda’s oil industry but at the last minute and for reasons that have not yet been made public by State House, the trip was cancelled..

    The Uganda Record speculated that something serious might have caused Museveni to call off the trip, ranging from a possible terrorist alert to illness.

    However, information from sources in the Norwegian capital Oslo told the Uganda Record that the reason was different. Museveni was blocked from visiting by the Norwegian government.

    Apparently, the second of two advance teams that had flown to Oslo to prepare for Museveni’s trip, was denied permission to enter Norway and deported from the Gardemoen International Airport in Oslo.

    This second team included the president’s press secretary Joseph Tamale Mirundi.

    The Ugandan ambassador to Denmark and Norway, Joseph Tomusange, was hurriedly making preparations for the president’s arrival and appeared to be unaware that the trip had been ordered off by the Norwegian government.

    Ugandans in Oslo, who had been planning to stage a demonstration against Museveni, were informed by Norwegian police on Friday afternoon that Museveni would not, after all, be coming.

    It appears too that none of the Ugandan diplomatic officials in Norway and Denmark were informed by the Norwegian officials that Museveni had been blocked from visiting Norway and it is now being speculated that Museveni had embarked on the visit without first informing the Oslo government, as is normal protocol.

    If this is true, it suggests that the visit was entirely private and in which case, will raise suspicions that the president has a personal interest in the oil exploration in Uganda that has nothing to do with any benefits for Uganda.

    To this day since the discovery of oil was made official in June 2006, the contracts around the exploration of oil in the Albertine region of Bunyoro remain a tightly guarded state secret.

    It also appears that the first advance team that flew to Oslo ahead of Museveni was make up of External Security Organisation agents sent in with the apparent plan for them to stay.

    They checked into the Hotel Terminus in Oslo soon after their arrival in the country. A source in Oslo told the Uganda Record that the team leader of the first advance party is named Nakasi Kiwanuka.

    The government is planning to open up an embassy in Oslo.


    By Francis Xavier Ndagabanye Muhoozi


    President Paul Kagame of Rwanda, on Saturday 04th July 2009, officially described President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda as a brother who supported the October 01st, 1990 Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) armed invasion of Rwanda from Uganda “to its conclusion.” The Ugandan leader, who was declared a hero for his role in this bloody war that brought President Paul Kagame’s RPF in power in 1994, has always maintained then that the Rwandese who served in his National Resistance Movement (NRM) Army now UPDF, escaped without his Knowledge.

    For 19 years since the RPF attacked Rwanda from Uganda, that has remained the official position until July 4th, 2009, when RPF decided to publically acknowledge President Museveni’s role by awarding him the Rwanda national liberation medal “URUTI”. In his acceptance speech of his “URUTI” medal, an excited Museveni boasted, amid wild cheers and clapping that The late President Juvenal Habyarimana was deep asleep in New York when his boys attacked Rwanda and could not be woken up. “Mr. Museveni that is trickery, not leadership!”

    From my own testimony, I can assure President Museveni that in actual fact Habyarimana was not sleeping and was fully aware of what was happening on the Uganda – Rwanda boarder. Late Habyarimana being a man of high integrity and calibre, deliberately refused to answer Museveni’s call in New York because Museveni had turned from being a man of his word to a blatant liar, an untrustworthy person who had no respect at all for human life.

    Museveni had deliberately unleashed his Ugandan army and the RPF (A fact he has officially accepted) on innocent Rwanda civilians both Tutsi and Hutu, and their blood was already being shed in Kagitumba-Rwanda when Museveni wanted to deceive Habyarimana again. You should note here that in all his earlier meetings with President Habyarimana, President Museveni was always assuring him that he was in full control, and that he knew the hundreds of years long delicate tribal conflicts in Rwanda, and that hence he would never allow anybody to attack Rwanda from Uganda.

    This is what everybody was meant to believe, but as Late President Habyarimana unfortunately found out way back on the fateful night of 01st October 1990; Museveni is someone never to be trusted as he himself exposed himself in his “URUTI” acceptance speech of 04th July 2009 in Kigali Rwanda. He exposed himself as a liar who cannot keep his word and his promises should never be believed at all.

    It is this insensitive speech delivered by President Museveni to the people of Rwanda on this so called, “15th Anniversary of Rwanda Liberation” on 04th July 2009 that I have decided to add my voice to other many cries voiced before, and declare what I personally know on this very unfortunate country called Rwanda in this simple analysis of events. I lived and worked in Rwanda from 01st January 1988, till 15th November 1993. I interacted with many people in Rwanda before the 1990 war, during the war, and stayed in touch after the war.

    President Museveni’s demonstration of lack of respect for human life started long before these catastrophic set of events he caused in Rwanda. Right from 1972, we know the facts that brought about his fall out with late Milton Obote of Uganda People’s Congress(UPC); facts during the 1978/79 Amin war especially the Western Uganda axis; facts during the infamous Luweero triangle war of the early–to mid 1980s; It is evident that it has been hard to trust Museveni. What is worrying is that the man does not realise it.

    Even today on public rallies he openly tells his political opponents how he will send them “six feet under the ground”. What does President Museveni mean when he talks of liberating Rwanda? By dictionary definition, to “liberate” is “to release from confinement, restraint or bondage”; from whom or from what did Museveni liberate the people of Rwanda?

    It would be very unfortunate and indeed myopic thinking, if Museveni believes that by causing the death of over 800,000 innocent Tutsis and moderate Hutus, killing very many innocent Hutu civilians and by chasing the rest spilling over neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (former Zaire), Tanzania and Burundi, and by forcefully installing a Tutsi extremist’s government in Rwanda is liberating that country. The Rwandan problem must be solved by all Rwandese; Gahutu, Gatwa and Gatutsi, if meaningful peace is to be ever realised in Rwanda.


    Let President Museveni know that, I am a peace loving African citizen called Francis Xavier Ndagabanye Muhoozi. I am a Ugandan of Rwandese origin because my Grandfather Alfred Salongo Ndagabanye was a Hutu from Rwanceri, Busogo, Ruhengeri district in the Republic of Rwanda. He moved to Uganda in the early 1920s as a young boy in company of other discontented Hutu families who were escaping forced hard labour and caning by the Tutsi monarchical rule. The Tutsi monarch, mind you had ruled Rwanda with an iron fist for the last 400 years.

    When my grandfather reached Rutooma village, in Kabale Uganda, he was enrolled with the British “Church Missionary Society” (CMS) who were based at Rugarama Hill. He was enrolled in school and was later sponsored to study a medical assistant course at the colonial Busoga School of Medical Assistants, where he excelled and graduated as a Medical Assistant by 1935 in Jinja-Uganda.

    In 1937, my grandfather married a Mufumbira Tutsi girl by the names of Margret Joy Nyiranzayirwanda, and my father George William Ndagabanye was their first born at a place called Jinja, Busoga, Uganda in 1938. My father then married a typical Mukiga girl, Mugiri wabahimba bomurubanda called Yozefina Nyanjura, daughter of Constante Kibamukonya, omuhimba waba Kibandama, Matojo, na Kahungu, bakigugo of Kabale Uganda in 1957. I was then natively and traditionally born in December 1959 at our present home of Rwakaraba, Rutooma, Kabale Municipality in Uganda as my parents’ second child.


    Since I was born, my late father made it a point of always keeping us in touch and in contact with our Rwandese relatives who were, and are still living in commune Mukingo, Rwankeri, Ruhengeri district in Rwanda. We used to visit these Rwandese relatives at least three times every year of my life, and they would also visit us occasionally in Uganda. So we all grew up well informed of our roots, and we have a big extended family still living in Rwanda, same place. This then gives me the courage to talk about Rwanda with ease, as I am always in touch with the realities on the ground.

    I am forced to go through this analysis of events which happened in Rwanda with the sole purpose of letting all peace loving people living, know the truth about Rwanda, and condemn in the strongest terms possible the Egos, self-centredness, superiority complexes, and extremely poor sense of judgement that President Museveni executed and unleashed on the innocent people of Rwanda.

    Let us then just analyze these events in Rwanda:

    1. Before the 1990 RPF/Uganda armed invasion.
    2. During this senseless bloody war 1990 till July 1994.
    3. The Assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana 6th April 1994.
    4. The Genocide and crimes against humanity that followed 6th April 1994 – Today.
    5. A brief look at the situation in Rwanda after the war; from 3rd July 1994.
    6. Rwanda today under RPF.


    I wish to briefly remind President Museveni of the history of Rwanda. I am not going into this deep Rwandan history, but it is important to know that the Tutsi Monarch had ruled Rwanda segregatively in very serious tribal favoritisms to Tutsis, with an iron fist at the expense of other tribes namely the Hutus and Twas for over 400 years. This was reversed in 1959 when there was a popular Hutu revolution that started a civil war and saw the end of the Rwanda monarchical rule in 1961.
    It is also worth noting that the population set up of Rwanda by December 1993 was:
    – 85% Hutu
    – 10% Tutsi
    – 3% Twa
    – 2% others.

    These were the official statistical figures of the Rwandese population composition until at least the beginning of January 1994. These were the only tribes known to be living in Rwanda at the time. As earlier mentioned the Tutsi kings had ruled these other tribes with a deceitful high handed iron fist that the majority of the population was always feeling oppressed.

    The situation was not helped by the coming of the Belgian colonialists who decided to use the existing Tutsi monarchical governing structures to colonize the country. In the process they deliberately deceived the Tutsi tribe that Tutsis were superior to other tribes, and unfortunately some with simple minds believed this, and are the Tutsi extremists you hear today.

    However, this marriage of convenience between Belgians and Tutsi monarchical kings failed when these Tutsis started demanding for independence. These Belgian colonialists now started teaching the Hutus how Tutsis have dominated them for many years, and revealing that after all Tutsis were not a superior race, and actually encouraged the Hutus to rise and resist the Tutsi rule. This led to a bloody Hutu uprising and the last monarchical King Kigeli V Jean Baptiste Ndahindurwa, was ousted from power and Rwanda in 1961.

    There was a bloody civil war which left many Tutsis dead and some managed to escape to neighboring countries like Uganda, where President Kagame survived as a refugee in 1959. Late Fred Rwigema who led the very first RPF/Uganda attack on Rwanda in 1990 was also among this influx of refugees who crossed into Uganda at that time.

    Rwanda got its Independence from the Belgians in July 1962. The Belgians then handed the instruments of power to the Hutu Government which had won the referendum to abolish the monarchy and hence Rwanda became a Republic. Mr. Gregoire Kayibanda, a hardliner Hutu was elected the first post independence President of the Republic of Rwanda.

    His rule kept a hardliner ideology against the Tutsis, and he successfully fought off several armed Tutsi attacks from outside, especially Burundi through Bugesera and Bweyeye. No single attack came from the Tutsis who had taken refuge in Uganda because the Ugandan Government at the time, under King Edward Mutesa, and Milton Obote as Prime Minister knew what the rule of law meant, especially concerning refugees armed attacks on their countries of origin.

    In July 1973, Major General Habyarimana Juvenal, who had been the Defence Minister in President Kayibanda’s regime took over power, and somehow stopped or drastically reduced the Tutsi oppression that had become rampant. That is the time we started to see prominent Tutsi businessmen with the help of President Habyarimana’s government feature strongly in Rwanda especially in the business Industry.

    Here I can name people like Valens Kajeguhakwa, who at one time (1980s) was rated the richest Rwandese owning companies like ERP (Caltex Rwanda), CORWACO and the executive Continental bank (BACAR). Other prominent Tutsi businessmen I can quote here are, Rwigara Assinapol, Katabarwa Ellie former ELECTROGAZ boss, Sakumi Anselme, Sisi Evariste, Rubangura Uzziel, Majyambere Silas to mention but a few. The businesses these people were managing at this time were controlling Rwanda’s economy. This I should say opened employment opportunities for very many Tutsis who were unemployed.

    However, this did not go well with some hardliner Hutus who wanted always to deal with Tutsis on a quota basis, basing their reasoning on the proportionality of facilities to the number of Tutsis in the whole Rwandan population. These Hutu hardliners I can talk about are people like Kanyarengwe Alex, Lizinde Theoneste, Biseruka Stansilas, and Maniraguha Jacques, who together with the help of some other people in the Rwanda army even tried to over throw President Habyarimana’s government in an internal Military coup in 1980, but was detected and subsequently quashed by President Habyarimana’s government. These with many others who were involved were subsequently charged and jailed in Ruhengeri government prison.

    The Rwanda refugee problem became so bad in Uganda in 1982 when some UPC selfish Ankole politicians tried to forcefully push the Rwandese refugees from Nakivale refugee camp, and some other areas in Ankole back into Rwanda by force. This created a very bad unrest in the Tutsi refugee population and the world leaders started ways and programs of helping the then government of Rwanda find a permanent solution to this old refugee problem.

    The government of Rwanda at the time was reluctant to just allow these refugees in the country, in mass numbers, with no land prepared for them, knowing that this would bring back the bloody hatred that existed before between Tutsis and Hutus especially if they started fighting for land. International Rwandese refugee groups were invited into Rwanda in a study that would make them know about their country, help them make informed decisions, and hence those willing to return back to their country would come but not in big masses at the same time.

    In my opinion, this would have created a very conducive and realistic atmosphere, to accommodate the Rwandan refugees who wanted to go back home. Some of these refugee groups had started coming into Rwanda in 1989 and early 1990. But as will be seen, some Tutsi extremists who were willing to come back to Rwanda only as rulers, decided otherwise.


    As a swarm of locusts, one bright Monday morning of 1st October 1990, Ugandan soldiers, RPF soldiers mixed with Rwandese refugees in Uganda, armed, to the teeth, in Ugandan military vehicles attacked the Rwanda/ Uganda border at Kagitumba.

    They killed some Rwandan border post guards, took over the Rwandan border post and occupied the northern territory of the Republic of Rwanda forcefully. They quickly advanced to Matimba, and Gabiro deep inside Rwanda, killing whoever they could come across. Within five days they had occupied vast areas of northern Rwanda territory including big areas of Byumba Province.

    There are three potential explanations for President Museveni and President Kagame’s Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) pursuing a violent challenge that could provoke tragic consequences considering the Rwanda Hutu/Tutsi bloody history:

    1. One possibility is that Museveni and the Tutsi rebels did so irrationally, without thinking of expected consequences.
    2. The second is that Museveni and the Tutsi rebels did contemplate consequences, but their expectations did not include retaliation against civilians.
    3. The final possibility is that Museveni and the Tutsi rebels expected their challenge to provoke genocide retaliation, but viewed this as an acceptable cost of achieving their goal of attaining power in Rwanda.

    The evidence I am detailing in this analysis of events paper, supports this final explanation 3. This is because, relations between the Tutsi RPF and the local Rwandan population of the northern region where they entered Rwanda from, were hostile from the outset. Instead of attempting to win the local people over, the Ugandan Forces/RPF launched offensives that drove hundreds of thousands of people off their land into internal displacement camps.

    Each Ugandan/RPF offensive prompted retaliatory attacks against Tutsi civilians. By the end of the Ugandan/RPF largest offensive of February 1993, one million Rwandan civilians were displaced from their land. The impact was greatly felt in this small country, and the fact that the RPF membership was overwhelmingly Tutsi, inevitably led to a targeting of non-combatant Tutsi families, and intensified anti-Tutsi racism.

    But whenever attacks would be directed at local Tutsi families, President Habyarimana’s government would act quickly to calm the situation. Sometimes it would require Habyarimana’s personal interventions and he visited many such areas himself. I can name places like Bugesera, Kibirira and Bigogwe in the early days of this war.

    The RPF’s ability to wage war and continue planning ever more forceful offensives while negotiating peace, was due to the conducive international environment in which they operated. Vital and continuous military support was fully given to RPF by the Uganda government forces of Yoweri Museveni, a fact he himself publicly accepted when he was receiving his “URUTI” medal on the 4th of July 2009.

    Museveni was in turn able to provide this support (and maintain his denial that he was so doing) because of the close relations he enjoyed with the United States of America government. Amazingly, when this Rwanda war started, The United States of America drastically increased Ugandan military funding.

    Through successful campaigns to demonize the Habyarimana regime, RPF was able to obscure its own human rights abuses. This support to the RPF was unfortunately given despite the absence of justification for the RPF war, despite the obvious human suffering caused by this senseless war, and despite the fear and hostility of local people toward the RPF in the war zone and its periphery.

    By the end of 1992, the war had turned in the RPF’s favor.

    With the signing of the Arusha Accords, the RPF was also set to become the strongest political force in the proposed transitional government. The RPF’s greatest weakness was the extent of its unpopularity within Rwandan society as a whole, which would have been made clearly evident had the scheduled elections taken place.

    By the end of 1993, there were two clear opposing forces with the influential sections of the international community on the one hand, and the lack of support given to the RPF by the overwhelming majority of the Rwandan population on the other.

    It is then evidently clear that the RPF under President Museveni’s clear guidance, needed to avoid elections and opt for a military seizure of power. With the long anticipated departure of the French Military from Rwanda, the way was clear for a Ugandan/RPF Military takeover of our poor small Rwanda. What was needed was an excuse to resume war.


    The Missile attack on President Habyarimana’s plane on the 6th day of April 1994 was surely one of the worst terrorist acts of the 1990s. In the evening of this fateful day, two surface-to-air missiles were shot at the presidential jet as it prepared to land at Kanombe, Kigali International Airport.

    The aeroplane was carrying two African Heads of State, President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda and President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi who had been invited specifically to a meeting of Regional Heads of State in Dar es Salaam proposed by President Museveni himself. This meeting was discussing the Rwanda RPF War.

    All the high profile leaders from both Rwanda and Burundi onboard, including Major General Deogratius Nsabimana, the Rwandan Army Chief of staff were killed. The fragile peace based on the Arusha accords of 1993 was shattered, war resumed, and masses of people were massacred.

    Today, the entire blame of this terrorist act is on current Rwandan President Paul Kagame. The perpetrators of this plane attack (Uganda’s Museveni and RPF’s Kagame) knew exactly what would happen. There are records showing that the shooting down of this aircraft was a carefully planned United States intelligence operation which largely contributed to ethnic massacres. (Global Research, Testimony of Jean-Pierre Mugabe).

    In many countries in the developing world that experienced the destabilizing effects of Western intervention in the post-cold war era, Rwanda stands out as one of the most tragic and least understood. The Rwanda tragedy is evidenced by the horror of countless lives lost and livelihoods destroyed, and also the torn society that despite its poverty and reliance upon external inputs, was in the process of generating its own developmental dynamics.

    What is misunderstood is the meditation between the various forms of intervention by the international community and by a few Western powers, and the dynamics that unleashed the mass slaughter that erupted in Rwanda, in 1994.

    While the military victory of the RPF is attributed to the ending of the killings of Tutsi civilians, I strongly put it that the RPF bears much of the onus of responsibility for the carnage, for without Uganda and RPF invasion there would have been no genocide.

    Even African Rights, a human rights organization viewed by many as the most partisan towards the RPF, states that, “It is beyond dispute that the RPF invasion of 1st October 1990 was the single most important factor in escalating the political polarization of Rwanda, and plunging it into a war that displaced hundreds of thousands of people.”

    This was also repeated by exiled former King of the Monarchy in Rwanda King Kigeli V Jean Baptiste Ndahindurwa in his speech “The Rwanda Genocide: The most preventable Tragedy of our time,” at the Georgetown University USA.

    It is a naked fact that the missiles used to shoot down the Habyarimana Presidential plane were the property of the Uganda army. Museveni’s army had bought these missiles from the Soviet Union in 1987. Some have argued that the tragedy in Rwanda was an internal crisis, but the ownership of those missiles points directly to the fact that the so called RPF rebels were high ranking members of the Ugandan Army. Until the day they invaded Rwanda, Paul Kagame had been Uganda’s Chief of Military intelligence and fully benefited from the Ugandan army until he took over power in July 1994.

    In his report when he was issuing International Arrest Warrants for RPF officials for genocide and crimes against humanity, First Vice President of “TRIBUNAL DE GRANDE INSTANCE DE PARIS” on 17th November 2006, Judge Jean Louis Bruguiere strongly condemned the United States of America, and particularly the Bill Clinton administration, who have supported Paul Kagame and the RPF unfailingly since the early 1990s. How can a country supposedly so intent in fighting terrorism treat the assassination of two African Heads of State so lightly that it never forced the United Nations (UN) get to the bottom of it all? After all, Washington has always gotten its way on Rwanda at the UN.

    For instance, when it was time to act forcefully and stop the genocide by UNAMIR or the UN in 1994, another unclassified State Department document dated 15th April 1994, states that for the United States the first priority to the UN Security Council was “to instruct the Secretary General to implement an orderly withdraw of all UNAMIR (United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda) forces from Rwanda”. That is exactly what the UN did, thus prompting former UN Secretary General Boutros-Ghali to declare that “The Rwandan Genocide was 100% American responsibility.”


    Between April 06th 1994 and July 04th 1994, an estimated 800,000 Rwandans were killed in the space of only 100 days. Most of the dead were Tutsis although many Hutu moderates and Hutus were also killed. Clearly the genocide was sparked by the death of the Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana, a Hutu, when his plane was shot down above Kigali Airport on 06th April 1994.

    Many Reports, Classified UN information, and a French Terrorist Judge Bruguiere have blamed current Rwandan President Paul Kagame, a known Tutsi extremist at the time leader of a Tutsi rebel group RPF, with complete support of Ugandan leader dictator Yoweri Museveni, and some of his close associates for carrying out this disastrous rocket attack that unfortunately started the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.


    Ethnic tension in Rwanda is nothing new. There have always been bitter disagreements between the majority Hutus and minority Tutsis since the history of Rwanda begun. However the animosity between them has grown substantially since the colonial period. When the Belgians arrived in Rwanda in 1916, they introduced identity cards classifying people according to their ethnicity for their easy “divide and rule” management.

    They considered the Tutsi to be superior to other tribes especially the majority Hutus. This excited many Tutsis and hence they enjoyed better services and advantages like better jobs, almost exclusively educational opportunities, and many others.

    Resentment among the Hutus gradually built up, culminating in a series of riots that saw the end of the Tutsi Monarchical rule in 1961. More than 20,000 Tutsis were killed, and many more fled to the neighbouring countries, Burundi, Tanzania, Congo and Uganda.

    After their first delight in gaining power, and in 1962 Independence for Rwanda, a politically inexperienced Hutu government began to face internal conflict itself. Tension grew between communities and provincial factions. Some extremist Hutus were on the rise, and for example they tried to exclude young Tutsis from Secondary schools and the University, insisting on relative population quotas, ethic ratios being strictly enforced.

    This extremist tendency of the extremist Hutus is what President Habyarimana fought against and took over power from Gregoire Kayibanda’s post Independence government in July 1973. Here I can comfortably say that the situation started to improve.

    Hutu/Tutsi relations drastically improved and people started witnessing increased mixed marriages between Hutus and Tutsis.

    This is just to show President Museveni and his extremist Tutsis that the Rwanda ethnic tension is a long time problem that they should have handled in a calmer and mature manner, building on what other Leaders had built on so far, and in any case avoid something that would bring direct hatred and confrontation to our tribes again. Surely, did Museveni think that the Tutsi war he unleashed on the poor people of Rwanda would solve these problems? Again Museveni’s poor sense of judgment caused the deaths of so many innocent people of Rwanda.


    As can be seen and concluded, individuals from both sides of the armed conflict perpetuated serious breaches of international humanitarian law and crimes against humanity. This view was officially shared by even the United Nations. (The United Nations and Rwanda, 1993 – 1996, page 64).

    For clarity, we are going to separate the crimes committed by these two groups of individuals namely:

    1. Crimes of Individuals in The Rwandan population at that time.
    2. Crimes of The Rwandan Patriotic Front.

    Crimes of Individuals in the Rwandan Population at the time

    The population of Rwanda, especially the Hutus, was thrown into a state of panic and shock when after a meeting with the Tutsi–RPF leaders in Dar-es Salaam: President Habyarimana’s official plane was shot down as it came in to land in Kigali in the evening of 6th April 1994.

    This was clearly a re-awakening of their past bloody tribal differences suspecting that the RPF Tutsis have killed the Hutu’s only hope of defense. It should also be noted that the strong Rwandan Army Chief of Staff Major General Deogratius Nsabimana was also killed in the same plane crush.

    As can be easily seen, this assassination represented a decapitation of the Rwandan Hutu government and its army, leaving the Hutu population feeling hopeless. This is when the overzealous groups of the Hutu population decided to take revenge on the Tutsis, unfortunately starting on innocent neighbors, not realizing that their real enemy was this external aggressor from Uganda, the RPF.

    The next day, Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, a Hutu moderate but a strong RPF collaborator was assassinated by the members of the Rwanda army. Ten Belgian UNAMIR soldiers, sent to protect the Prime Minister, were killed.

    Within a very short period of time, individuals in the Rwandan army and the Hutu militia the Interahamwe had killed many people they suspected were collaborating with the RPF-Tutsis. For the next 100 days, these individuals went on rampage killing an estimated 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus. It is also estimated that half a million women were raped during the genocide.

    Crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)

    Surprisingly, many people, organizations and even some News media have deliberately not covered the crimes and atrocities committed to the Rwandan people by the RPF. This is mainly due to the sympathy extended to the Tutsi population in general. However, it should be clearly established that many Tutsi civilians did not at the beginning support an armed invasion of their country, knowing very well the consequences if anything went wrong.

    This was especially so with the peace loving Tutsis who were comfortably living in Rwanda at the time. Our overall goal should be to fight impunity and help bring justice in Rwanda as a nation. Whoever killed a Tutsi must face the consequences, and so is the one who killed a Hutu, and so is the one who killed a Twa, and so is the one who killed a foreigner. They must equally pay for their crimes.

    RPF President Paul Kagame, the current President of Rwanda is now believed to be the one behind the shooting down of the plane carrying late President Habyarimana, and hence he is the suspected triggerman of the Rwandan genocide of 1994. Kagame denies these allegations. But the only and better way to refute these charges and clear his name once and for all, is to allow an independent investigation to look into these crimes.

    Let us now analyze some of the RPF crimes that Human rights organizations and international observers have acknowledged as war crimes, crimes of genocide, and crimes against humanity. This will be done briefly for the period from 1st October 1990 to date.

    Rwandan Patriotic Front Crimes from 1st October 1990 – 31st December 1993

    1. The Ruhengeri town attack of 23rd January 1991:- RPF staged a night attack on the town of Ruhengeri resulting in heavy civilian causalities and heavy property damage. More than 500 people, who helped them carry their loot they had looted from the town to Uganda, were all killed by the RPF. (Abdul Ruzibiza, Rwanda, L’Histoire Secrete, 2005, page 132)

    2. The Butaro massacre of May 1992:- At Rusasa of commune Butaro, RPF shot and killed 150 people civilians. (Testimony of Witness still living)

    3. The Byumba/Ruhengeri Massacre of 8th February 1993:- This is commonly referred to as the notorious massacre of the two Districts. During this attack, RPF killed a total of 24,400 people in Ruhengeri, and 15,800 in Byumba. (James K. Gasana, Rwanda: du Parti-Etat a l’Etat Garninson, 2002, Page 185)

    4. Political assassination of Emmanuel Gapyisi 18th May 1993:- This prominent political leader, The Vice President of MDR the biggest opposition political party was gunned down by RPF hit squad. Gapyisi was a very powerful opponent of RPF.

    5. Through out the year 1993: Rwanda experienced acts of armed banditry, grenade attacks and minibus taxi explosions in several parts of the country. All these acts were the work of infiltrated RPF hit squad members and spy operatives all belonging to the RPF network who were assigned to spread violence and insecurity, thus rendering the country ungovernable in a bid to overthrow the government and seize power by force. (Testimony of Abdul Ruzibiza, march 14th 2004).

    6. Kigali Night Club bomb blast December 1992: I personally survived a bomb blast aimed at my young friends, sons and daughters of prominent Rwandese businessmen, politicians and intellectuals in a club called Kigali Night Club (A very popular night club frequented by many at the time) on the eve of Christmas of 1992 (24th December 1992).

    RPF operatives planted a very powerful bomb under the table prepared for us to sit on, and as God saves his children, the bomb went off when all of us had just left the table and gone to the dancing floor to dance. The bomb completely blew off every flesh on the waiter’s legs that was standing near the table. 50% of the whole nightclub was completely razed down. All investigations led to one direction; the advance RPF hit squad.(Living Witness).

    RPF War Crimes, Crimes Against Humanity and Crimes of Genocide (January 1st , 1994 – December 31st, 1994)

    1. Political assassination of Felicien Gatabazi on February 21st 1994:- This prominent Rwandan politician was the General Secretary of the PSD party, another major political opposition party in Rwanda. He was ambushed and killed by the RPF in front of his house. While drinking in Kigali bars in the festive days following the capture of Kigali, RPF operatives were reported to have openly bragged about this. (Abdul Ruzibiza, Rwanda, L’Histoire secrete, 2005).

    2. The political assassination of Martin Bucyana on the 23rd February 1994:- Factual and testimonial evidence available today shows that the youths who killed him were heavily infiltrated by the death squad elements of the RPF. Martin Bucyana was the leader of the perceived Hutu extremist party CDR. (Abdul Ruzibiza L’Histoire Secrete, 2005).

    3. The Double assassination of Rwandan and Burundi Presidents on April 6th 1994:- In the evening of this fateful day, it is now general knowledge that RPF shot down the presidential Aircraft carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana and President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, and everyone onboard this aircraft was killed. All eleven high profile leaders onboard were killed including Major General Deogratias Nsabimana the Rwandan Army Chief of Staff.

    This Assassination represented a decapitation of the Rwandan government and Army. All available evidence including witness testimony clearly indicated that this terrorist crime was the act of the RPF headed by President Kagame.

    It really defies logic why the UN Security Council has never mandated an investigation of this airplane missile attack and establishes officially who was responsible, especially since everyone agrees it was the one incident that ignited the mass killings commonly referred to as the “Rwandan genocide of 1994”.

    Uganda’s Museveni and Kagame’s RPF in conspiring to kill President Habyarimana at this time of war knew exactly what kind of catastrophe was going to follow. The death of a Hutu President along with his Hutu entourage, only two months after two other Hutu prominent political leaders (Gatabazi and Bucyana) as mentioned above definitely pushed Rwandan Hutus overboard and drove them to their killing frenzy against the Tutsis.

    Here please also note that another democratically elected, 1st ever Hutu President in Burundi, Melchior Ndadaye had been assassinated on October 21st 1993 by the Tutsi Burundi army, barely 4 months after his historic election. (Public statement Carla Del Ponte, 17th April 2000).

    4. RPF Mass murders: – In Byumba sectors Nyabisiga, Birengo, Zoko and Gitumba of the commune Buyoga and Giti. Also in Communes Mugambazi and Rutongo in the province of Kigali, RPF reportedly killed over 20,000 innocent civilians in all these areas in April 1994. Mass graves have been found here. RPF would summon villages for a meeting on security issues or to collect food supplies and instead would throw grenades into the crowd and finish off the remaining civilians using machine guns. (Testimonies provided by witnesses still living).

    5. RPF selective killing of intellectuals on 07th April 1994:- In the sector of Remera in Kigali City, an area under RPF control, the RPF selectively killed 121 people, mostly Hutu intellectuals and their entire families using an already drawn up list of targeted victims. All those killed are well documented. (Pierre Pean, Noires Fureurs, Blancs Menteurs: Rwanda 1990 – 1994, 2005, page 249).

    6. The targeted Massacres of youths at Kabuye in April 1994:- A team of RPF killers is reported to have exterminated more than 3,000 Youths in at Kabuye in the month of April alone. (Abdul J. Ruzibiza, Rwanda, L’Histoire Secrete, 2005, page 261).

    7. Killings at Kiziguro Parish in Kibungo Province: – The Interahamwe Hutu militia killed about 1,000 Tutsis sheltered at this Kiziguro parish. Later when the RPF Tutsis army came, they killed more than 10,000 Hutus civilians who had sought refuge at the parish also. (Pierre Pean, Noires Fureurs, Blancs Menteurs: Rwanda 1990 – 1994, 2005, page 263).

    8. RPF killing of stranded Kibungo and Byumba civilians at the Tanzania border:- The many floating bodies washing up into lake Victoria in Uganda were not of the Tutsi victims of the Interahamwe, but of Hutu victims of RPF soldiers. The villagers unable to cross into Tanzania before the arrival of the RPF army were all rounded up and shot with machine guns, grenades, and their bodies were massively piled up and burned or tossed into the Akagera River, and hence floated to Uganda.(Pierre Pean, Noires Fureurs, Page 265).

    9. RPF Decapitating of the Catholic Church in Rwanda: – This crime was committed on the 05th of June 1994 at Kabgayi in Gitarama. Three Bishops including Archbishop Vincent Nsengiyumva of Kigali, along with nine Priests, one Brother, and three Nuns were gunned down by the RPF on direct orders from their superiors. RPF tried to kill whoever was around here to try and eliminate possible eye witness testimonies. (Venuste Linguyeneza, Testimony on the 1994 Bishops’ killings).

    10. Other RPF Deliberate killings: – a) 23rd April 1994 collective massacre of clergy men at the Junior Seminary of Rwesero – Byumba. b) Prominent families in Nyanza, c) The infamous Byumba City selective killings of evacuees, d) The massacre of Paul Rusesabagina’s family members in Murama Gitarama July 1994. e) The cold blooded murder of entire wedding celebrants at Mbazi on July 1st 1994.(Testimony of Abdul Ruzibiza, March 14th 2004)
    These are some of the many RPF high handed killings that need to be thoroughly investigated and offenders brought to Justice.

    RPF Crimes From 1st January, 1995 – End of 2006

    1. The gruesome Kibeho Massacre of 17th -23rd April 1995:- An estimated 4,000 internally displaced people were reportedly killed on the orders of Major General Paul Kagame when RPF army units fired on this Kibeho Hutu refugee camp.

    It took one whole night of non-stop body disposal by trucks towards Nyungwe forest for burning. (Paul Jordan, Witness to Genocide – A personal Account of the 1995 Kibeho Massacre). What really confuses me is that this was carried out openly in the presence of the United Nations Military contingent from Zambia and officials from NGOs assisting the massacred refugees. One sincerely wonders why there has not been any independent inquiry so that perpetrators are identified and punished.

    2. The mass murder of Rwandan refugees in their camps in The Democratic Republic of Congo: – 1996 is the deadliest year in the history of this Rwanda war. During the forced repatriation of Rwandese refugees back to Rwanda from Congo refugee camps, there were organised mass murders of these refugees.

    RPF army carried out the most brutal and genocide campaign in modern history by shelling these camps in both Goma and Bukavu, using heavy artillery from Rwanda. In these huge camps there were more than two million helpless Rwandan Hutu refugees, including many women and children. Even if RPF argues that it did this because there were some armed men and women in these camps, shooting indiscriminately put the guilty and innocent together for elimination.

    Crowds of unarmed Hutu civilians, especially women, children, and the elderly were all killed because they could not move fast to escape this massacre into the deeper forests of Congo. By all account, it is estimated that this whole RPF operation claimed the lives of more than 400,000 Hutu refugees.

    3. The RPF army operation to force Rwandese refugees back to hostile Rwanda in 1996:- While shooting at these Congo camps, the RPF army was busy driving some of these Hutu refugees, herding them like cattle back to hostile Rwanda against their will. An estimated 700,000 refugees were either air lifted, or forced to walk back on foot to their respective original Communes in Rwanda.

    Then the RPF started a long organized criminal process of killing these returnees, and as of today, more than 50% of these repatriated refugees have been systematically killed and eliminated in Rwanda by the RPF. These horrific crimes both in Congo and Rwanda were executed on clear orders of RPF Superior leaders. I personally lost six members of my Rwanda extended family in Commune Mukingo, Ruhengeri. (Testimony by witnesses still living; Marie Beatrice Umutetsi, Fuir ou Mourir au Zaire: Le Vecu d’une refugiee Rwandaise, 2000).

    4. The RPF civilian slaughter at the Nyarutovu wedding, January 18th-19th 1997.
    5. The Hutu Christmas massacre of Kayonza 25th-26th December,1998:- An estimated 5,000 innocent Hutu civilians, including a cousin of the eye witness still living, perished at RPF hands in this two day operation.

    6. Brutal RPF response on the “Abacengezi” of 1997 – 2000:- The Brutal RPF reprisal campaigns against Abacengezi and the ethnic cleansing in the Mutara region (1995 and after), left more than 50,000 Hutus killed.


    1. RPF Death Squads: – These are known to be ruthless Tutsi commandos whose main job is to trail opponents inside and outside Rwanda and eliminate them: – a) On 16th May 1998 they killed a former RPF Interior Minister Seth Sendashonga in Nairobi Kenya where he had run away to from the Rwandan RPF government.

    b) On 06th October 1996 they killed Colonel Theoneste Lizinde who had run away from RPF top intelligence circles and sought refuge in Kenya. Together with his friend businessman Augustin Bigirimfura they were gunned down in Nairobi Kenya on this day under very suspicious circumstances pointing 100% on RPF.

    c) On 14th February 1999, they killed Pasteur Musabe former Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Rwanda African Continental Bank (BACAR) in Yaounde, Cameroon. This squad has killed many people outside Rwanda and also in Rwanda, and is still terrorizing people even today.

    2. Inhumane treatment of Hutu Prisoners: – RPF is on record to have used Hutu prisoners to detonate landmines planted by both themselves and the retreating Hutu government forces by forcing them to run around mined fields. Hundreds of Hutu prisoners have died in this style. (Testimonies provided by witnesses still living.)

    3. Use of Hutu Prisoners to loot Congo: – It is well known how RPF used forced labor of Hutu prisoners to loot The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in the areas they had occupied. These prisoners were used to dig minerals like Coltan, Gold and Diamonds in DRC areas occupied by RPF/Ugandan forces which would be shared by the RPF top brass in the army, Kagame taking the biggest share of course.

    It should be noted that the list of Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) crimes is by no means exhaustive. There are numerous reports of countless RPF crimes before 1994, in 1994, and after 1994 that have not been included in this brief analysis of events.


    President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda and President Paul Kagame of Rwanda celebrated 15 years of “Liberating Rwanda” on 04th July 2009. What these two Gentlemen are failing to realize and accept is the bitter hatred their egos and mis-judgements have put in peace loving entire Rwandese population. The time immemorial bloody wounds between the Rwandese tribes, Hutu and Tutsi, which had gradually started to heal, were savagely opened by these so called revolutionists in 1990.

    These men have taken Rwandese communities a thousand years back in as far as the trust between Hutu/Tutsi people is concerned because of their poor judgment and thirst for power.
    What is most worrying today is that Museveni and Kagame are not doing anything to try and rectify the situation.

    They have worked hard with the current ICTR Prosecutor to wrongly convince the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) to try only Hutu government individuals and deceive the world that RPF did not commit any crime that instead they stopped genocide and so should not be tried. Seriously speaking, there is no way Museveni and Kagame are going to deceive the world forever, and their time will definitely come for them to take their responsibilities for their own crimes in as far as the people of Rwanda are concerned.

    They definitely started this genocide by starting this useless war and have so far managed to wave off any independent inquiry to clear or convict their names in this Rwanda war. “How can you talk of reconciliation when you are shielding offenders from justice? The power of the gun is not final my dear brothers and you all know it.”

    Currently, there is a general hate sponsored crime being perpetuated by the RPF government against an entire segment of the Rwandan population, specifically Hutus, through the infamous Gacaca Courts. This government is officially incriminating the biggest number of Rwandans, labelling them killers or genocidaires thus ostracizing them from public life and society. This creates a class of the untouchables who with their descendants will always live in constant fear in their own country. And unfortunately these will always be Hutus.

    Contrary to RPF claim, there is absolutely no real peace in Rwanda. This explains why far too many Rwandans continue to flee overseas and are easily granted Asylum or refugee status. All classes of the Hutus are living in constant fear thus explaining why many have decided to stay out of politics or have joined RPF just to protect themselves. The distribution of civil service opportunities are completely very biased and fear is looming everywhere.

    For Heaven’s sake! For how long is the RPF going to use genocide as pretext to strife democracy? RPF has officially entrenched one of the most predatory dictatorships ever. Political opposition is completely muzzled and non-existent. How long will the people of Rwanda continue to die a slow death? Why are businessmen being killed? We want reasons why Fulgence Nsengiyumva of Gitarama a prominent businessman was killed by the RPF on 06th August, 2006.

    Kagame is manipulating the government and Parliament in particular to make for his personal, selfish motives. He recently passed a law in Parliament to give him immunity from prosecution for life! Anyway, that is Rwanda. In another attempt to hoodwink the World, the Rwandan Parliament passed the law saying that the constitution will now refer to the 1994 genocide as a “genocide committed on Tutsis”.

    Isn’t this re-writing History? What of the so called moderate Hutus who were also killed? It is now an established fact that some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were slaughtered in 1994. Are there any Hutu souls in this Rwandan Parliament to fight for the cause of thousands and more moderate Hutus who perished in this RPF caused carnage?


    Now President Museveni, it is time to own up to what happened in Rwanda. You were officially exposed and described as “a brother who supported the Rwanda Patriotic Front October 1990 invasion of Rwanda to its conclusion” by President Kagame himself, and declared a hero for that war that brought them to power in 1994.

    You publicly accepted in your speech of 04th July 2009 in Kigali Rwanda and were decorated with the “URUTI” medal. Mr. President Sir! Do you realize that by officially accepting “URUTI” you declared openly that you are a blatant liar? Do you realize that your lie has cost the poor parents of Africa more than one million innocent lives in a very short period of time?

    Mr. Museveni I have heard you several times saying that you love and believe in God, and hence respect the Bible, please read with me, 1 John 4:20 “If anyone makes a statement: “I Love God,” and yet he hates his brother, he is a liar. For he who does not love his brother, whom he has seen, cannot be loving God, whom he has not seen”.

    You cannot unleash children of God to shed the blood of their own brothers as you did on 01st October 1990, and claim to love God.

    Following the recommendations of the Experts Commission Report set up by The United Nations Secretary General in 1994, it was concluded that “Individuals from both sides of the Armed conflict in Rwanda perpetuated serious breaches of International humanitarian law and crimes against humanity”.(United Nations and Rwanda, 1993 – 1996, page 64)

    On 08th November 1994, The United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 955 which established The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), “For the Prosecution of persons responsible for genocide and other serious violations of International humanitarian Law committed in the Territory of Rwanda between January 1st 1994 and December 31st 1994.

    It may also deal with the prosecution of Rwandan Citizens responsible for genocide and other such violations of International Law committed in the territory of neighboring States during the same Period.” (ICTR Statutes as adopted by UN Security Council Resolution S/RES/955 (1994) of 8th November 1994).

    “The ICTR whose original mandate was to reconcile the Rwandan People among other things; what is going to be your legacy for Rwanda when your time expires?” The proceedings at this international Tribunal at Arusha Tanzania raise very serious doubts whether it will serve the purpose of contributing to the process of national reconciliation and to the restoration and maintenance of peace in Rwanda.

    Considering that this ICTR has only tried and successfully convicted the former Hutu government officials in its entire period of over 15 years, and has only one year to conclude its cases, its failure to address the War Crimes committed by the RPF will have proved that ICTR only delivered Victor’s justice. This will then be a very poor legacy for this historic effort at international justice.

    As seriously recommended, The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) should urgently indict Senior Officers of the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) who are alleged to have committed war crimes in Rwanda in 1994.

    To date 15 years after the Tribunal was set up, it has tried only leading figures responsible for the Rwanda 1994 genocide, and has failed to bring cases against RPF officers despite having jurisdiction to pursue these crimes. Unlike the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, which has prosecuted crimes committed by all parties to the conflict, the ICTR has only prosecuted persons belonging to only one side.

    “Justice must be impartial and must be done and seen to be done for all, regardless of who the victims or perpetrators are. True reconciliation in Rwanda must involve showing that the rule of law does not discriminate for or against anyone. The Tribunal’s work should contribute to this process.”(Amnesty International – International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda – Trials and Tribulations, April 1998).

    This Museveni supported Tutsi dominated RPF, led by President Kagame, killed tens of thousands of civilians in the same three-month period the Rwandan genocide was taking place. It should be noted here that seeking justice for the victims of RPF crimes neither denies the genocide nor equates these crimes with genocide; it simply asserts that all victims regardless of the power of the alleged perpetrators, have the right to see justice done.

    At least four United Nations Agencies, The Human Rights Watch, and other Non-governmental organizations have also documented RPF crimes. The Tribunal has investigated crimes committed by the RPF for more than 10 years and has gathered witness testimony and physical evidence.

    Instead of pursuing indictments of such cases at this mandated Arusha-based ICTR, Chief Prosecutor Hassan Jallow decided in June 2008 to transfer files of RPF suspects to Rwanda for domestic prosecution. Why these double standards Mr. Prosecutor? However, eventually the prosecution of RPF officers in Rwanda proved to be a political “white wash”. We just hope and pray that Prosecutor Hassan Jallow does not betray the rights of the victims’ families to get justice and risk undermining the Tribunal’s legitimacy in the eyes of future generations.

    You will be surprised to know that as early as in the summer of 2003, Swiss Judge Carla Del Ponte, then Chief Prosecutor for both the Yugoslavia and Rwanda Tribunals publicly announced that she would soon begin the prosecution of members of Kagame’s government for the same kinds of crimes now charged in the French and Spanish warrants.

    But more than five years later, not a single case has been filed against one member of Kagame’s government, or against Kagame himself. These Del-Ponte announced prosecutions did not go forward because she was replaced at the ICTR within 90 days of her announcement by Abubacar Hassan Jallow, a US/UK approved prosecutor who pledged not to prosecute any on Kagame’s side, no matter what the Del-Ponte and the European Judges found. Can anyone explain exactly why Del-Ponte was replaced? (Read a book written by Florence Hartman published in September 2007 and see the whole truth).

    The naked truth is that Judge Del-Ponte refused to ignore her UN mandate to prosecute all crimes committed during the 1994 war by both the Kigali regime at the time, and Kagame’s RPF the current government in Kigali.

    Thus she was sacked by the United States and The United Kingdom. According to sworn affidavits, placed in the ICTR records in early 2006, well respected ICTR Lead investigative Prosecutor Michael Hourigan, an Australian QC, recommended that Kagame himself be prosecuted for the assassination of President Habyarimana in 1997.

    But the Chief UN Prosecutor at the time Louise Arbour of Canada, ordered him to drop the Kagame investigations; to forget it ever happened; and to burn his notes! Hourigan resigned rather than comply and copies of his original notes are now part of the ICTR public record for all to see. According to Michael Hourigan affidavit Kagame cannot deny their “Rwanda genocide” cover up on Bill Clinton’s watch.

    Just be sure that the UN documents describing 1994 “cover up” meetings involving Clinton senior Diplomat Brian Atwood, Rwandan Foreign Minister Jean Marie Ndagijimana, and UN’s Koffi Annan in Kigali, are well documented. For more of the Pentagon complicity in the 1994 Rwandan War read the damning report, “GERSONY REPORT”.

    Mr. Kagame Sir, we now know the existence of a separate Pentagon foreign policy on Rwanda. This completely tallies with the ICTR testimony of former Ambassador Robert Flaten who testified that he seriously doubts that Habyarimana’s supporters planned to kill civilians on a massive scale 1990 – 1993.

    Evidently, the evidence that is now in public record shows that during the 1994 Rwandan genocide, the Pentagon could have stopped the carnage with just a phone call. The UN’s General Romeo Dallaire personally testified in Arusha that, Kagame would not agree to a ceasefire and use the forces to stop the genocide because he was winning the war with the help of the Pentagon through Uganda’s Museveni.

    Right thinking people would have us blindly believe the Official story that the Rwandan Tragedy was simply the work of horrible Hutu genocidaires who planned and executed a satanic scheme to eliminate nearly a million Tutsis after a plane crashed in the heart of dark Africa on April 6, 1994. On the other hand, former UN Secretary General Boutros-Boutros-Ghali declared to Mr. Robin Philpot that the “Rwandan genocide was 100% American responsibility.”

    How can such contradictory interpretations coexist? (Rwanda 1994: Colonialism dies hard, by Robin Philpot.)

    The ICTR Prosecutor closed his investigations way back by the end of 2004 and surprised many that despite overwhelming evidence on record so far, he did not address at all the attack on the Presidential jet in Rwanda on 06th April 1994 considered by many as the spark that led to the genocide. He deliberately even does not take into account the crimes committed by the RPF rebels then, and even after they took over power in July 1994.

    This Prosecutor caused complaints to be filed and the opening of legal proceedings before other jurisdictions, like France and Spain.

    The issuance on 23rd November 2006 of International arrest warrants by a French Judge Jean Louis Bruguiere, against 9 close collaborators of Rwandan President Paul Kagame for shooting down the Presidential jet that killed President Habyarimana and everyone onboard, may hopefully pave the way for genuine reconciliation among Rwandans.

    The 40 arrest warrants issued against officials of the Rwandan RPF army by a Spanish Judge on 6th February 2008 are in connection with crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and terrorism committed between 1990 and 2002 and hence put in a delicate position the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) which should have, a long time ago, prosecuted the authors of these acts. Judge Fernando Andreu says that he has concrete evidence implicating Rwanda’s current President Paul Kagame, who has immunity from prosecution because he is a country’s head of state.

    One can just conclude that unless something is done about these mind cracking facts, this ICTR is seriously tainted by political expediency in favor of the victorious RPF and the geopolitical intentions of the United States and British governments, which backed the RPF in their march from Uganda 1990 – 1994. Friends, justice for the people of Rwanda can only be done if the whole truth of the events between 1990 and 1994 comes out openly so that perpetrators are accordingly punished, and justice is seen to be done on both sides.

    Finally, President Museveni of Uganda and President Kagame of Rwanda should know and appreciate that people will always opt out of repressive systems, and especially so when all normal avenues of judicial redress are blocked. If therefore rebel groups arise from time to time, the repressive and oppressive conduct of their governments is to blame.


    1. Global Research, Testimony of Jean-Pierre Mugabe.
    2. The United Nations and Rwanda.
    3. Abdul Ruzibiza, Rwanda L’Histoire Secrete, 2005.
    4. James Gasana, Rwanda: du Parti-Etat a L’Etat Garninson, 2002.
    5. Carla Del Ponte – Public Statement.
    6. Pierre Pean, Noires Fureurs, Blancs Menteurs: Rwanda 1990 – 1994.
    7. Venuste Linguyeneza; Testimony on the 1994 Bishops’ killings.
    8. Paul Jordan, Witness to genocide.
    9. Marie Beatrice Umutetsi, Fuir ou Mourir au Zaire; le Vecu d’une refugiee Rwandaise, L’harmattan, 2000.
    10. Amnesty International – International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda – Trials and Tribulations April 1998.
    11. Rwanda Florence Hartman – September 2007.
    12. Gersony Report.
    13. Rwanda 1994: Colonialism dies hard By Robin Philpot.
    14. Reyntjens, Filip and Desuoter, Serge, Rwanda, Les Violations des droits.

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