What readers should understand is that, the Human rights abuses in Congo have an international dimension: forget about Eastern Congo, because that’s were the Illuminati mafia wants you to concentrate and not see the Congo saga-let’s try and look at Congo as a whole.
The so called international community loves insecurity in a region were they can easily plunder resources unabated using regional criminals such as Paul Kagame and Yoweri Museveni to commit murder-under the disguise of fighting terrorism.
They’ll praise a murderer by using economic development mantra-meaning that, they can rape the country unchallenged.
i.e. recently the IMF mafia at a retreat of hardcore criminals in kigali, said that “Rwanda is among the 10 most-improved economies in Sub-Saharan Africa”
What exactly this means, is that the infrastructure for corruption, thieving, money laundering, murder,etc. is the best in Africa.
Top global criminals can easily commit crime undetected- thus,private jets can easily fly-in with no much questions asked. Basically, Congo is like a woman with a sweet pussy that everyone wants to fuck, however in this case she’s being raped and fucked doggy style from Rwanda.
In a modern criminal cartel such as the one in Rwanda; Transportation,Communication, Money laundering and of-course Hotels(where orgies are arranged) must be of high quality to make life easy for visiting criminals that might check-in anytime to make a picking of Coltan, Gold,etc.
However, Rwanda is not only about plundered minerals from Congo, its also a top supplier of Human organs in the world-of-course Congolese organs.Its believed that between May 2011 and Feb 2012, 400 pairs of Kidneys went through Kigali Airport.
Now you can understand when IMF criminals brag that ” Rwanda has seen remarkable progress over the past decade. Rwanda was one of the fastest growing economies in the world over the period, with economic growth averaging over eight percent,”
In the Kagame’s criminal Cartel, the schmoozing is unbelievable as you’ll hear criminals, yapping shamelessly:
Mr Kagame are you hungry…, Mr Kagame do you want a new jet…, Mr kagame fly over and share breakfast with me, Mr Kagame do you want free silencers for your guns…, Mr Kagame do you want to send your boys to our military academy…, Mr Kagame don’t worry we have destroyed the ICC files…, Mr Kagame do you want to have an exclusive on aljazeera …, Mr Kagame do you want an underground bunker…, Mr Kagame do you want a bank account in Bermuda or Switzerland…., Mr kagame do you want chemical or biological weapons…, Mr Kagame do you want a red carpet in France or America…, Mr kagame do you want an award…, Mr Kagame do you want us the ICC to pass a guilty verdict on Thomas Lubanga so the Human rights community can leave you alone….,
Mr Kagame do you want a good story in the uganda red pepper or the uganda independent (both tabloids are run by security operatives), Mr Kagame do you want us to warn the South African president to keep Kayumba Nyamwasa and Rwanda National Congress out of the lime-light… Mr Kagame do you want us to threaten Umuvugizi journalists…., Mr Kagame do you want your ass wiped with a towel or a spray?
To be Continued
Since the outset of its current mandate, the Group [of Experts] has gathered evidence of arms embargo and sanctions regime violations committed by the Rwandan Government. These violations consist of the provision of material and financial support to armed groups operation in the eastern DRC, including the recently established M23, in contravention of paragraph 1 of Security Council resolution 1807. The arms embargo and sanctions regimes violations include the following:
*Direct assistance in the creation of M23 through the transport of weapons and soldiers through Rwandan territory;
*Recruitment of Rwandan youth and demobilized ex-combatants as well as Congolese refugees for M23;
*Provision of weapons and ammunition to M23;
*Mobilization and lobbying of Congolese political and financial leaders for the benefit of M23;
*Direct Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF) interventions into Congolese territory to reinforce M23;
*Support to several other armed groups as well as FARDC mutinies in the eastern Congo;
*Violation of the assets freeze and travel ban through supporting sanctioned individuals.
Over the course of its investigation since late 2011, the Group has found substantial evidence attesting to support from Rwandan officials to armed groups operating in the eastern DRC. Initially the RDF [Rwandan Defense Forces] appeared to establish these alliances to facilitate a wave of targeted assassinations against key FDLR [The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, the armed remnants of Rwanda’s former genocidal government] officers, thus significantly weakening the rebel movement (see paragraphs 37 & 38 of interim report). However, these activities quickly extended to support for a series of post electoral mutinies within the FARDC [The Congolese Armed Forces] and eventually included the direct facilitation, through the use of Rwandan territory, of the creation of the M23 rebellion. The latter is comprised of ex-CNDP officers integrated into the Congolese army (FARDC) in January 2009. Since M23 established itself in strategic positions along the Rwandan border in May 2012, the Group has gathered overwhelming evidence demonstrating that senior RDF officers, in their official capacities, have been backstopping the rebels through providing weapons, military supplies, and new recruits.
In turn, M23 continues to solidify alliances with many other armed groups and mutineer movements, including those previously benefiting from RDF support. This has created enormous security challenges, extending from Ituri district in the north to Fizi territory in the south, for the already overstretched Congolese Army(FARDC). Through such arms embargo violations, Rwandan officials have also been in contravention of the sanctions regime’s travel ban and assets freeze measures, by including three designated individuals amongst their direct allies.
In an attempt to solve the crisis which this Rwandan support to armed groups had exacerbated, the governments of the DRC and Rwanda have held a series of high-level bilateral meetings since early April 2012. During these discussions, Rwandan officials have insisted on impunity for their armed group and mutineer allies, including ex-CNDP General Bosco Ntaganda, and the deployment of additional RDF units to the Kivus to conduct large-scale operations against the FDLR. The latter request has been repeatedly made despite the fact that: a) the RDF halted its unilateral initiatives to weaken the FDLR in late February; b) RDF Special Forces have already been deployed officially in Rutshuru territory for over a year; c) RDF operational units are periodically reinforcing the M23 on the battlefield against the Congolese army; d) M23 is directly and indirectly allied with several FDLR splinter groups; and e) the RDF is remobilizing previously repatriated FDLR to boost the ranks of M23.
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Elevated Standards of Evidence:
In light of the serious nature of these findings, the group has adopted elevated methodological standards. Since early April 2012, the Group has interviewed over 80 deserters of FARDC mutinies and Congolese armed groups, including from M23. Amongst the latter, the Group has interviewed 31 Rwandan nationals. Furthermore, the group has also photographed weapons and military equipment found in arms caches and on the battlefield, as well as obtained official documents and intercepts of radio communication. The Group has also consulted dozens of senior Congolese military commanders and intelligence officials as well as political and community leaders with intricate knowledge of development between DRC and Rwanda. Moreover, the Group has communicated regularly with several active participants of the ex-CNDP mutiny, the M23 rebellion, and other armed groups. Finally, while the Group’s standard methodology requires a minimum of three sources, assessed to be credible and independent of one another, it has raised this to five sources when naming specific individuals involved in these case of arms embargo and sanctions violations.
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Rwandan Support to M23:
Since the earliest stage of its inception, the Group documented a systematic pattern of military and political support provided to the M23 rebellion by Rwandan authorities. Upon taking control over the strategic position of Runyoni, along the Rwandan border with DRC, M23 officers opened two supply routes going from Runyoni to Kinigi or Njerima in Rwanda, which RDF officers used to deliver such support as troops, recruits, and weapons. The Group also found evidence that Rwandan officials mobilized ex-CNDP cadres and officers, North Kivu politicians, business leaders and youth in support of M23.
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Direct Rwandan assistance in creation of M23 through Rwandan territory:
Colonel Sultani Makenga deserted the FARDC in order to create the M23 rebellion using Rwandan territory and benefiting directly from RDF facilitation (See paragraph 104 of interim report). On 4 May, Makenga crossed the border from Goma into Gisenyi, Rwanda, and waited for his soldiers to join him from Goma and Bukavu. Intelligence sources, M23 collaborators and local politicians confirmed for the Group that RDF Western Division commander, General Emmanuel Ruvusha, welcomed Makenga upon his arrival to Gisenyi. The same source indicated that Ruvusha subsequently held a series of coordination meetings with other RDF officers in Gisenyi and Ruhengeri over the following days with Makenga