Paul Kagame and M23 Bandits full Report

M23 Chief Executioner, Colonel Sultani Makenga marketing his trade


Rwandan Defense Forces, under the cover of Congolese rebels known as M23, have started their 2,000-mile long march to the capital of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Kinshasa.
According to our sources within Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF), the order to march on Kinshasa was given on June 30, 2012 in a final meeting between General Paul Kagame of Rwanda, ex-CNDP Commander General Laurent Nkunda and Rwandan top military leaders, including Defense Minister General James Kabarebe, Chief of Joint Military Staff General Charles Kayonga, and General Paul Kagame’s intelligence and security adviser, General Jack Nziza. The march started on July 1, 2012 when the last unit of close to 3,000 Rwandan troops crossed the border into the DRC on the night of June 30th to reinforce 2,000 troops already supporting M23.

m23 Cadre waiting for orders from Rwanda


There’s enough evidence by the Group of Experts Interim report on the Democratic Republic of Congo,
that proves how Rwanda and its Prodigal Son, Bosco Ntaganda aka The Terminator are ploting a new frenzy of criminality in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Throughout the Group’s investigations, it has systematically gathered testimonies from former M23 combatants, M23 collaborators, ex-RDF officers, Congolese intelligence, FARDC commanders, and politicians which affirm the direct involvement in the support to M23 from senior levels of the Rwandan government.
a)General Jacques Nziza, the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Defence, supervises all military, financial, and logistic support as well as mobilization activities related to M23. He has recently been deployed to Ruhengeri and Gisenyi to coordinate M23 assistance and recruitment.
b)General James Kabarebe, the Rwandan Minister of Defense, with the support of his personal secretary Captain Celestin Senkoko, also is a central figure in recruitment and mobilizing political and military support to M23. Kabarebe has often been in direct contact with M23 members on the ground to coordinate military activities.
c)General Charles Kayonga, the RDF Chief of Staff manages the overall military support to M23. Kayonga is frequently in communication with Makenga and oversaw the transfer of Makenga’s troops and weapons through Rwanda.

3 thoughts on “Paul Kagame and M23 Bandits full Report

  1. Over the past weeks, a lot of accusations have been thrown around regarding the conflict in the Kivus. Let’s take a closer look at some of them:

    The M23 rebellion is the result of the international community pressing for Bosco Ntaganda’s arrest.

    Not really. The real reason behind the M23 mutiny/rebellion is Kinshasa’s desire to get rid of the ex-CNDP parallel chains of command in the Kivus. The CNDP – Gen. Laurent Nkunda’s armed group – had been integrated into the Congolese army in 2009 through a deal brokered by the Rwandan government. That deal proved providential for the ex-CNDP, as they received top positions in the operational command, with around 20 per cent of senior positions in South Kivu (I don’t have figures for North Kivu), along with control over smuggling and taxation rackets (often in complicity with non-CNDP). Other, non-CNDP officers were resentful of this arrangement and have been sending signals since at least last year that they want to break up these ex-CNDP networks. So when pressure piled up in March to arrest Bosco it provided the trigger, but not the underlying cause, for the mutiny.

    (Another myth is that Kabila called for Bosco’s arrest in April in Goma. He said, in Swahili: “There are a hundred reasons why we could arrest him,” but never explicitly called for his arrest. Since then, however, the governor of North Kivu has called for his arrest.)

    The M23 rebellion was formed because Kinshasa had not lived up to its end of the March 23, 2009 agreement.

    This is a bit disingenuous. The M23 are called thus because they claim that all they want is the March 23, 2009 agreement with the Kinshasa government to be implemented. (As a reminder, here and here are the terms of the deal.) It is true that there were shortcomings – more could be done to promote the repatriation of Congolese refugees from Rwanda, although the issue is complex. There certainly were tensions and insults traded between ex-CNDP and other FARDC commanders, and the implementation committee had not met in many months.

    But to say that the ex-CNDP did not receive their proper salaries is a bit rich, given that many ex-CNDP officers benefited royally from their deployments to mining areas and their control over smuggling rackets. Bosco in particular became rich through smuggling minerals across the border; his men even burglarized banks in Goma in broad daylight.

    As for the operations against the FDLR, which the M23 claim had been insufficient, the past three years had seen major advances. According to the UN, 4,914 FDLR combatants returned home via MONUSCO between 2009 and February 2012, with almost as many dependents. That could be anywhere between 50 and 75 per cent of all FDLR troops, although it does not account for fresh recruitment and the original estimates for the FDLR strength may have been slightly off.

    In addition, the Congolese government has continued to allow a Rwandan special forces company of around 200 soldiers to maintain a base in the eastern Congo (bizarrely, until today) and conduct operations against the FDLR. These, again, have been very successful (although often at a great humanitarian cost) – with their help, the FDLR Chief of Staff Col. Mugaragu was killed, as were the influential battalion commander Col. Kanzeguhera (aka Sadiki Soleil) and several other important officers.

    There were certainly problems with the integration of the ex-CNDP and insincerity on both sides. But those problems should have been solved at the negotiation table, not on the battlefield.

    Allegations of anti-Tutsi discrimination are just a pretext for Rwandan meddling.

    Slow down, this isn’t quite so simple. There is no doubt that deep resentment and prejudice persists against the Tutsi community in the eastern Congo. And there have been many incidents of abuse against Tutsi civilians and soldiers over the past years, ranging from summary execution to torture and hate speech. All communities in the eastern Congo have experienced abuse, but the Tutsi perception of discrimination is accentuated given their particular history. This fear and ethnic solidarity is very real.

    But allegations of anti-Tutsi discrimination are not always well-founded and have at times been manipulated. Since the mutiny began, there have been accusations of anti-rwandophone attacks, particular in Masisi. While there have not been exhaustive investigations, the UN and international NGOs have looked into these allegations by sending teams to the field and have not been able to to find proof of systematic abuse (there appear to have been isolated cases of rape and murder, which are reprehensible, but not widespread). In particular, the allegation voiced both by the Rwandan government and the M23 that 43 ex-CNDP Tutsi were killed in Dungu during anti-LRA operations has not been corroborated by either Congolese civil society or international NGOs based there. There have indeed been Tutsi and Hutu civilians arrested by the Congolese army and intelligence services under suspicion of collaboration with M23, and some of these civilians may have been beaten. Investigations are ongoing.

    It is worthwhile pointing out that many of the units deployed against the M23 in the Mushaki-Kilolirwe part of Masisi were initially from the 601st battalion, which included many Tutsi and Hema officers at the company level. Also, the sector commander who took over from the M23 in Masisi is Col. Innocent Kabundi, a Tutsi himself from Masisi, and many of the staff officers commanding operations in North Kivu are Tutsi (Col. Jonas Padiri, Col. Innocent Gahizi, Col. Aaron Nyamushebwa, etc.).

    The US government delayed the UN Group of Expert’s report from being published.

    Yes, although the US government was divided on this matter. According to several sources within the State Department – in Washington, Rwanda and the Congo – the outlier was Ambassador Susan Rice, the US Permananent Representative to the United Nations.  She had some misgivings about the information in the report and especially whether this was the best way to air these allegations, thinking it would be best to address this behind closed doors to avoid an escalation. Almost everybody else in the State Department, including the embassies in the field, as well as Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson, agreed that the addendum to the report should be published.

    The Congolese army is collaborating with the FDLR in their offensive against the M23.

    This is an allegation to Rwandan government has made, largely in private. There is no hard proof so far to substantiate this. The most serious claim was the visit of FDLR Col. Pacifique Ntawunguka (aka Omega) to Goma in May, allegedly to meet with Congolese Gen. Didier Etumba and to receive money to fight the M23. Other allegations have been made of suspicious troop movements toward the front in Runyoni. Also, this past week an FDLR delegation visited Goma from Brussels, as reported in Rwandan newspapers. According to several sources in Goma, this delegation had been organized by a Norwegian NGO to help sensitize the FDLR, but were arrested by the Congolese army once they were there. It is not clear whether there was some ulterior motive to their visit.

    While the Congolese army has collaborated with the FDLR in the past – most recently in 2008 – there has not yet been independent verification of any systematic collaboration against the M23.

    The M23 mutiny is not the most serious conflict in the east; we should focus our attention elsewhere.

    Yes, while the M23 has the most significant geopolitical implications, the most serious humanitarian situation in April and May was the fighting between Raia Mutomboki along the border between North and South Kivu. Hundreds have been killed there since late last year and tens of thousands displaced. The Rwandan government has pointed this out, suggesting that we should focus our attention there.

    But here, again, it may well be more complicated. Some of the armed groups active there – in particular the Forces pour la défense du Congo (FDC) and Sheka Ntaberi’s Nduma Defense of Congo (NDC) – have direct ties with Bosco Ntaganda and perhaps even Kigali (see the Group of Experts’ report here). There are now allegations, which have not been substantiated, coming from civil society and the Congolese government, that similar ties exist with the Raia Mutomboki. That would be strange, given the extreme anti-rwandophone bent to the group, but these kinds of alliances contre nature have popped up previously.

    Congo Siasa

  2. This is what Criminal Paul Kagame has beenYapping:

    On UN- Rwanda Relations

    CRIMINAL PAUL KAGAME: The world we live in is a world full of imperfections. The problems of Rwanda and particularly the problems with UN have a long history.
    Sometimes, the world behaves as if the problems of Congo as of old have been caused by Rwanda or should be Rwanda’s responsibility and I was reminding people that even before I was born, there were these problems in Congo, relating to UN and its colonial history.
    And from that time, nothing has changed between then and now. With UN and Rwanda, remember I have another issue relating to the tragic history of our country when we had genocide.
    The UN was involved by the way. Because if you didn’t act when you should have acted, when you were supposed to, there is some level of responsibility over that. But remember the history of UN involvement in Rwanda before and after genocide and the failures that were witnessed throughout that period. At the end of the day, UN is a body expected to serve all of us. Sometimes it is complex dealing with UN.
    When you talk of the International Community and UN, it means everything but nothing at the end of the day. Sometimes when you ask who is the UN you get confused. When you talk about international community the definition is elastic.
    When it comes to responsibility, you really don’t know who is to blame. We are always told we are members of UN but together with others we can make some contribution. But what is our responsibility is Rwanda and we should be associated with that. We have to specifically concentrate on that.

    On Rwanda’s involvement in Eastern DRC Crisis

    CRIMINAL PAUL KAGAME: I cannot understand where in the world this comes from and why the story line is always taken across all kinds of discussion that Rwanda comes to bear almost full responsibility for everything that happens in DRC.
    I have never understood this. It is as if Congo cannot exist on its own and cannot solve its problems. A situation has been created where Congo’s problems are Rwanda’s problems. And when everything fails, it is Rwanda that must be held responsible.
    Even my friends in the media and academics, people who are knowledgeable and are known to investigate and interrogate, chose not to see the facts. At the end of the day, when it’s a problem in Congo, they say go to Rwanda and hold these Rwandans responsible for it.
    Rwanda has become a convenient way for people to explain DRC issues. When they fail to do something for DRC, they say it is Rwanda’s responsibility. If you are honest, it is not so long ago when we had what we had the mid 1990s, 2000s and so on.
    Recently in 2009, we had these issues in Eastern Congo and we tried to be helpful. We have a situation here of Laurent Nkunda (Congolese dissident general held in Rwanda).
    We have had to bear responsibility for that situation that created him hoping it helps to deal with Eastern Congo but also results into a solution for our problem there. The genocidaires who are living there.
    If you could remember, MONUSCO (UN force in DRC) is there largely because of the problem of genocide and its perpetrators as well as to contribute to stabilization in that area.
    If you look at what this UN is doing, you would fail to explain why the international community thought about this expensive presence because you don’t see results.
    I don’t see anything that I would even pay for just One Dollar. But they pay 1.2 billion dollars annually and turn around to say Rwanda is the problem.
    Now we have this Nkunda here. At the same time, this world of hypocrisy says we did the right thing to hold him but we got nothing out of it. We thought we would get peace in Congo.
    Yet we told them then that by removing one man, you have not solved the underlying problem of governance in DRC.
    During the period of elections last year, this same international community was running around. They came to us and said President Kabila was becoming unserious, was not talking to them and that they look for him and cannot access him. In the end they asked us if he should be removed either by elections or other means.
    I am going to spill some secrets here. At the end of the day, they can’t do anything. He is elected. Some reality has dawned on them and they have to put up with him because they like Congo more than the Congolese.
    If they liked Congolese most, there wouldn’t be rapes and killings in the Eastern region.
    In this world, there were more than five countries that actually were coming out to say why don’t you live this situation to the Congolese! Those few included Rwanda. The Congolese know it. But things changed so fast, after elections and now Rwanda is the villain.
    The same people who were plotting, asking for what can be done to Kabila, all of a sudden have turned around claiming they are the ones who can save Congo. But since when? They have done it so cleverly now and have bought access to the leadership in Kinshasa through tricky ways.
    Removing Nkunda was not supposed to have been the only thing to do. There were other issues of integration, recognizing citizens of that country that have never been recognized. It was supposed to be about resolving those issues by the Congolese themselves and not Rwanda. Now when this process doesn’t happen and in the middle of it, before we realized, they came to us and said there is this man Bosco Ntaganda who should be arrested. We said go ahead with the Congolese and arrest him. Then they said they couldn’t do that without the consent of Rwanda. Very silly stuff!
    For Rwanda, there is an accusation that we will not escape but for the wrong reasons. These Congolese. They now call them Rwandaphone. Congolese of Rwandese origin.
    They are Congolese but somehow they have some Rwandan blood in them Rwanda cannot be responsible for this Rwandese blood in them. Somebody else has the responsibility. How Rwandans came to be Congolese, I have no responsibility. If somebody else says there are these Congolese who must be sorted, whatever they say, we can’t do anything about it.
    It is those who created that situation who should do it. Are they supposed to be supplanted here? Let them do it. Are they supposed to be recognized in DRC? Still, let them go and do it. But Rwanda cannot be responsible. They shouldn’t ask us. Let them go and deal with MONUSCO.
    We have reminded them we have had genocidaires in Congo. You know what they do. They kill children and rape women but they do nothing about it. This is what you should discuss with us. You know where Mudacumura is (FDLR leader). We give them names. But they have never come to us on how to deal with them.
    But they came to ask us about Bosco. Now they have created a very good reason to have access to Kabila. They have said we can help you with this man Bosco and can make sure ICC picks him. Now, the deal started developing. They were like we will arrest Bosco for you because you need him for not responding to your command and he needed it.
    Somebody in DRC needed him. They started scratching each other in the back. They have started talking. They have started accessing each other because somebody was showing them how to solve the Ntaganda situation. They would want to transfer soldiers who belonged to CNDP but these solders were saying they felt insecure and would never want to be taken to other places. In fact there is a case never reported of about some soldiers who were taken from Eastern Congo, again of Rwandaphone origin.
    They were transferred to the west and were all killed. Instead of sorting out this issue, they started by saying let’s arrest their commander so that they start responding to integration efforts. When we learnt about it, we talked with the Congolese because our main focus is to discuss with Congolose so that we solve our main problem, which is FDLR.
    Instead of discussing this, they say the problem is Rwanda. How does this become Rwanda’s problem? When we tell these people instead, they run around wanting to arrest someone. At what cost? Do they realize the consequences? We said by doing this, opening up old wounds and turning tables when the process was slowly working, they couldn’t listen.
    Do they realize the consequences? They have now started feasting and writing saying Bosco was seen in Musanze (in Rwanda) drinking in a bar. Very stupid stuff! But ultimately, we will be forced into a situation where we will draw a line and say, well, if you don’t want us to be useful and participate in finding a solution and creating false grounds to blackmail us, we don’t respond to blackmail.
    We will draw a line and say forget about us in DRC, we will deal with our problems this side of the border and whoever finds us here, we will fight him. Forget about FDLR, Nkunda and Bosco.
    We are coming to a point when we are getting tired of all the blame and putting it on our shoulders. We will offload all these problems and throw them back. We will reach appoint and say let this Nkunda go if it means we will be buying our peace.
    We will say, take this guy and let us have peace. Congo’s problems should stop being our problems and the so-called International Community should take their responsibility.

    On ICC

    CRIMINAL PAUL KAGAME: My personal views are simple. In 2002, I had a discussion with some of the people who came to be leaders in ICC. I told them that it is not so much that we need to create new institutions as we need to make existing institutions to work.
    We have created many things that don’t work and we start creating new ones thinking we are solving the problem. In dealing with international justice, the idea of ICC maybe good, but is it not going to confront the same failures as others before? I told them that this thing will end up being a court to try poor people from this group of banana republics.
    This is what I told them in 2002. Yet as we know it, all these problems don’t happen in the hands of Africans alone. They involve some other people who are exonerated from being accountable. In 2010, I met the same people again and I said can you prove me wrong? They couldn’t prove me wrong. And what has it come to? These are just institutions created again for management of these poor countries.
    They must be managed all the time and whipped in the line. When there is a problem here and before you understand it, they create a scare and say Ocampo is coming. But that’s not how to solve serious problems. You need to attend to them. If you look at how it is working, it’s working in a way selectively. You have a situation where so many people are doing things but they will select weak individuals and leave the worst thinking they have resolved the problem.
    In some countries, it is now being used to determine the fate of a nation by saying we are interested in this and the other and picking people who have some political aspirations thereby determining the tempo of elections there.
    This should stop because I think we are dealing with a much bigger problem than we know. Sometimes you wonder when you see some governments trying to speak for this institution and telling other governments to sign this and that. If it is independent, why do you ask other governments to do your thing as if you own it?

    On Links With Congolese Tutsis

    CRIMINAL PAUL KAGAME: Rwanda didn’t only train those Tutsis. Even those in the government from the top. They were here with us. But it is not true that this rebellion you are talking about is by Tutsis. During the CNDP integration, there were two groups. One was a group known to be Tutsis of Congo.
    The other was largely Hutu. If you investigate properly, what I have heard is that this rebellion now combines the two. Not only that. These other tribes have also joined them. It means the problem is much bigger than just the Tutsis that people keep talking about, validating my point that even if you remove all these Tutsis and bring them here, I don’t think you will have addressed even a bit of the problems in Congo.

    On Relations with France

    CRIMINAL PAUL KAGAME: I hope the relationship we built with the previous regime will continue to evolve as positively as it had started a few years back. We have no strong contacts with the new government but had developed strong contacts with France. And I am sure some of the people in the previous regime will bounce in government or remain outside. The positive aspects will continue with the new government and that’s the way it is for now.
    On Possible talks with Kabila

    CRIMINAL PAUL KAGAME: We have people on the ground in Kinshasa. We have had Congolese officials here. People are talking. We want to understand each on the main issues. We want to understand the cause and effect issues. Discussions are going on at different levels and I hope we can have reason to prevail and get a solution.
    There’s good process at different levels and we are finding a solution.

    On Jailed Victoire Ingabire

    CRIMINAL PAUL KAGAME: I would have preferred it to remain a matter of where justice has to remain being seen done. You say Ingabire represents a voice of some kind, which would mean maybe anybody represents some voice of some kind.
    If you had armed robbers, people who shoot people on the streets for money, then if the police arrest them, somebody may say I am robbing for the people who are poor who have no money.
    If you don’t know the history of Rwanda, yes, these people who committed genocide here were actually saying they had a voice and were speaking for the majority of Rwandans who felt threatened by a section of the population and should be got rid of.
    And that was their opinion. Maybe such opinions should be everywhere where people who feel tired of the others and should exterminate them for who they are do so because it is their voice. I don’t know whether you have sufficient information on this case.
    But there is sufficient evidence, witnesses and facts to show that this case falls in the category I was talking about and underlies the tragedy we have had in Rwanda. Maybe other people can afford to tolerate it elsewhere but if you have experienced it you wouldn’t talk about it.

    On Links with Gen. Ntaganda

    CRIMINAL PAUL KAGAME: I don’t know much about him. Ask the Congolese. Problems for Rwanda are caused by others not him. I don’t know anything about the secrets about Rwanda which he holds.
    Go and ask him or those people who have him in Congo. Go and find him where he is and ask Congolese what secrets he has. Why don’t you ask them where he is if they were interested in having him? Even if there are accusations that for six months of the year, he is in Rwanda and another six, he’s in DRC, why don’t you ask yourself why don’t those people who are looking for him arrest him when he’s with them?
    Why do you create a scenario out of Rwanda and bring it to our doorstep to cause problems? Bosco is none of my business. I don’t manage Congo and I have nothing to do with Bosco Ntaganda. The international community pays MONUSCO and they have a force in DRC. What are they doing? If you have a force there and a government there, why do you leave this place and come and ask for Bosco here? What is this obsession of asking Rwanda? Why ignore these fellows where the problem belongs?

    On Accusations by Human Rights Watch

    CRIMINAL PAUL KAGAME: Rubbish with Human Rights Watch! Don’t bring that rubbish here in Rwanda! Rubbish with them! They are just that. Rubbish!

  3. Rwandan Defense Forces, under the cover of Congolese rebels known as M23, have started their 2,000-mile long march to the capital of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Kinshasa.
    According to our sources within Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF), the order to march on Kinshasa was given on June 30, 2012 in a final meeting between General Paul Kagame of Rwanda, ex-CNDP Commander General Laurent Nkunda and Rwandan top military leaders, including Defense Minister General James Kabarebe, Chief of Joint Military Staff General Charles Kayonga, and General Paul Kagame’s intelligence and security adviser, General Jack Nziza. The march started on July 1, 2012 when the last unit of close to 3,000 Rwandan troops crossed the border into the DRC on the night of June 30th to reinforce 2,000 troops already supporting M23.

    General Laurent Nkunda turned down the offer to lead the rebellion.

    According to our sources, during several meetings held in the weeks before, General Paul Kagame once again asked General Nkunda to lead the rebellion. General Paul Kagame said that he does not want General Bosco Ntaganda. He pointed to the recent UN Security Council resolution adjoining all the countries in the region to stop supporting Bosco Ntaganda, a Congolese renegade General who has been indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC). General Paul Kagame also said that he does not trust Colonel Sultani Makenga, who was born and raised in the Congo, and hence appears to have no emotional attachment to Rwanda. General Laurent Nkunda continued to reject the offer arguing that he has been away from his troops for too long and insisted on keeping Colonel Makenga and reassuring others that he will keep Colonel Makenga in check. General Laurent Nkunda has been officially under house arrest in Rwanda since January 2009, following the international condemnation of Rwanda for supporting him in a bloody uprising. But the reality is that he has never been under any arrest and was only forbidden from crossing. He and General Bosco Ntaganda are involved in the exploitation of Congolese minerals and timber, oil, and real estate businesses.

    An Elaborate Plan for Invasion and Occupation.

    Investigations by AfroAmerica Network are on-going. However, sources close to the Rwandan Defense Forces(RDF) top brass, point to an elaborate plan with multiple actors. The main actors are:

    M23-CNDP that represent the Congolese Ethnic Tutsis under the command of General Luarent Nkunda, General Bosco Ntaganda and Colonel Makenga in the Eastern Congo and Congolese Police Chief General Bisengimana as a fifth column in Western DRC, especially the capital Kinshasa
    PARECO-APLCS, mostly Nande under the command of General Kakulu Sikuli Vasaka Lafontaine and former Foreign Affairs Minister Mbusa Nyamwisi
    PARECO mostly Hutu, under the command of Colonel Akilimali
    Ethnic Hema, under the command of Colonel Kahasha.
    Other troops, mostly from Katanga, under the command of disgraced former DRC Police Chief General Numbi, a confident to Rwandan Defense Minister General James Kabarebe.
    The plan is first to put in place a national cover for a Rwandan led rebellion. Once the cover is well recognized, M23 will officially remain in the Kivus, while other factions will continue the march to Kinshasa to overthrow General Joseph Kabila and install a Congolese politician amenable to the Rwandan cause and interests.

    All Started With Unkept Promises by General Joseph Kabila.

    In order to be reelected, General Joseph Kabila promised several things to General Paul Kagame in return for his support in the Kivu. Unfortunately for Joseph Kabila, he easily promises a lot and is able to deliver very little. Hence, as usual, in this case he delivered very little once he was elected:

    First he promised to keep the Tutsis within FARDC key posts of leadership and maintain them in the Eastern DRC.
    Second, he promised to never attempt to arrest General Bosco Ntaganda.
    Soon after the elections, under the pressure from the international community and to appease the radical congolese angry with the Rwandan influence in Congolese politics, General Joseph Kabila decided to move the Tutsis within FARDC to other regions of the DRC and officially declared his intention to arrest the renegade General Bosco Ntaganda.
    Once Paul Kagame came to the realization that Joseph Kabila was about to get the renegade Gen. Ntaganda arrested and then transferred to the ICC, he became furious and dispatched Rwandan special forces to be the first ones that would get close to the fugitive General. This operation served mainly two purposes:

    – to prevent any unreliable/unfriendly forces in the eyes of Kagame to arrest Gen. Ntaganda since the Rwandan President does not want him to “spill the beans and/or talk” about all the support the latter has been getting from Rwanda,
    – in case of sustained scrutiny and denunciation by the international community, then the renegade General Ntaganda would be eliminated by RDF operatives and his death would be reported to the world as a war casualty.
    Simultaneously, Rwandan Military leaders prepared a mutiny, that came to be M23 with the aim of regrouping all the congolese troops loyal to General Paul Kagame. Even then, General Paul Kagame wanted General Laurent Nkunda to lead the rebellion but he hesitated, He later confided to close family members that he was afraid he would end up a bullet in the head, once General Paul Kagame finds an other suitable replacement. Our investigation has learned that when General Nkunda turned down the offer, Paul Kagames’s services asked him to convince Makenga to create and head the M23 group. In return Makenga was promised full cooperation and support from the Rwanda security services according to our sources.

    General Laurent Kabila against General Paul Kagame.

    A palpable sentiment is emerging in top circles both in Kigali and Kinshasa: Joseph Kabila’s days as President of the DRC are numbered. General Paul Kagame is determined to remove him from power and General Joseph Kabila has no power to stop him from doing so. Even the United Nations, represented by MONUSCO appears powerless.
    After the march order was given by General Paul Kagame, M23 and RDF troops quickly seized, on July 3, 2012, the strategic town of Bunagana. Simultaneously, and General Lafontaine and Colonel Kahasha’s troops seized the strategic supply hubs of Lubero, Kasiki, and Mbwavinywa. These two operational successes by the rebels left the town of Rutshuru, which serves as a junction between the Capital Goma, the northern major towns of Beni and Butembo and the Eastern supply routes from Rwanda and Uganda, under siege. FARDC commanders along with 600 troops fled to Uganda abandoning weapons, tanks, and military trucks. Most of the soldiers even removed their uniforms before fleeing to Uganda.

    On July 8, 2012, Rwandan Defense Forces and M23 seized the towns of Rubare and Ntamugenga, situated on the axis between Goma and Rutshuru, thus completely isolating Rutshuru. As this article goes under press, sources within M23 and Rwandan Defense Forces told AfroAmerica Network that in the next days, they will move towards Masisi, Goma and Walikale. General Lafontaine’s and Colonel Kahasha’s troops are already moving towards the towns of Butembo and Beni to make a juction with the troops led by Colonel Akilimali and those loyal to Former Foreign Affairs Minister Mbusa Nyamwisi.
    Then the two will move westward to meet in the major town of Kisangani, before continuing on to Kinshasa.

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